[1.] builicín agus builcín (In the dialects of Galway, from Engl. bulkin and bulk respectively; also puilicín; other instances of alternation between initial p and b given); [2.] feidheal < meitheal (other instances of alternation between initial f and m given).
Asseses the various attempts at an etymology of this word (cf. T. F. O’Rahilly, in Ériu 9 (1923), pp. 18-19, T. S. Ó Máille, in Éigse 11/1 (1964), pp. 20-21, R. A. Breatnach, in Éigse 11/3 (1966), p. 159) and adheres to E. Knott's suggestion of a derivation from Engl. pleurisy; also on the borrowing of p- as p- and f-).
1. cómhrac i dtóin [and gáir faoi tholl]; 2. fochraí (an) lae [< fochroíb; cf. also forcraid, fortraid; for variation in similar clusters, cf. M. A. O’Brien, in Celtica 2/2 (1954), p. 353]; 3. feiste [‘entertainment’; feist, eisteas, feisteas; 4. crioslach [crioslaí pl.]; 5. seir; 6. paidir chapaill; 7. púirín; 8. is (ní) luar liom [luar < lú orm]; 9. tɑ: tu: tau [togha].
[1.] Introduction; [2.] Adomnán on Constantinople and seventh-century Palestine; [3.] Arculf’s [leg Arnulf] role in the transmission of knowledge to Adomnán; [4.] Conclusion.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Argues that clí (m.) ‘poet of the third highest rank’ is distinct from clí (f.) ‘house-post, pillar’, and that cleth (f.) ‘house-post’ and clí (f.) represent an instance of paradigm split. Additionally suggests that clith in Audacht Morainn, §§2.18, 63.163 (as ed. by F. Kelly, 1976) represents an oblique case of clí.
`Parliamentárians na dtárr maothlach’ from poem beg. Innisim fís is ní fís bhréige í (= An Síogaí Rómhánach, FSCPP 22 l. 112) based on Engl ‘The Soft Rump’, which was used to refer to ‘The Rump Parliament’ of 6 December 1648, which condemned Charles I to death.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
[1.] Paruchia in canons and hagiography; [2.] Córas Béscnai and the ‘Drumlease document’; [3.] Conclusion. Paruchia refers to the pastoral jurisdiction of a bishop and not to a federation of geographicaly dispersed monasteries.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Edition, with translation and notes, from TCD H 3. 18, H 3. 17, Harley 432, and Lebor na hUidre. Appendix 1 contains an edition from MS TCD H 3. 17 of a passage concerning Dubthach’s judgement (with translation and notes); Appendix 2 contains an edition from MS Harley 432 of the retelling of a story concerning the killing of Patrick’s charioteer, Odrán (with translation and notes). Cf. J. Carey, in CMCS 19 (Summer, 1990), pp. 1-18.
1. Tírechán’s aims in compiling the Collectanea: the established position; 2. The diverse nature of Patrician tradition; 3. Tírechán’s attitude to Armagh; 4. The ‘great church of Patrick’ associated with Conall m. Néill; 5. Loíguire’s control over Connacht as portrayed in the Collectanea; 6. The political context within which the Collectanea was written.
Discusses the episode of Patrick and Dáire and suggests that Armagh was chosen as primatial see because of its importance as druidic centre. vs. R. Sharpe, St. Patrick and the See of Armagh, in CMCS 4 (Winter, 1982), pp. 33–59.
Borsje (Jacqueline): De goede buren van God: verschillende vormen van inculturatie
van het volk van de elfenheuvels in het middeleeuwse Ierse christendom.
[(In Dutch:) The good neighbours of God: various forms of inculturation of the people of the fairy mounds in medieval Irish Christianity.]
1. Inleiding; 2. Sint Patrick als verschijning; 3. Elfen, goden en verschijningen: overlappingen; 4. Van demonisch tot goddelijk; 5. Sint Patrick bij de bron; 6. Slot.
Revised and extended version in Boundaries of monotheism (2009), pp. 53–81.
Focuses on the Fothairt saints Damnat, Brigit and Fintan, and argues that the characteristics of a particular saint’s cult were dependent on kindred, politics and territory. In appendix contains a translation of Bethu Phátraic lines 2195-2218 (as ed. by K. Mulchrone, 1939 [Best2 1993]).
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
[1.] The name and battle of Mugdock, near Milngavie; [2.] Black Agnes Dunbar and her ploddeil [< Ir. plód + Fr. coll. -aille]; [3.] A Celtic etymology for hallock ‘foolish girl’; [4.] A Gaelic etymology for Dunbar’s dery dan [< Ir. daire dána]; [5.] Dunbar’s carlingis pet [< Ir. peata].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Suggests the phrase dá n-ó bill (in the glosses to Félire Óengusso 3 July and Sanas Cormaic Y §179) represents phonetic spelling for dá n-ó pill ‘two ears of a horse’, and was mistakenly associated with OIr. bill, bell by early Irish glossators.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
1. Bede and the name Dalriada; 2. Froissart’s Montres and Melrose Abbey; 3. William Worcestre on Stormont and Dercongal; 4. William Worcestre on Lough Hakern, Islay; 5. Cardenden and Kincardine; 6. Abercorn, Lothian; 7. Insula Leverith, the old name of Cramond Island; 8. Coldingham, near Berwick; 9. Penchrise, near Hawick; 10. Aberlosk, near Moffat; 11. Girvan, Ayrshire.
On the recycling by Muiris Ó Gormáin for later Lords Lieutenant of his 1763 accession poem (with English translation) for Hugh Percy, Earl of Northumberland, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. First line Is aoibhinn dhuit, a Éire, in MSS Alnwick Castle (England), Northumberland Estates Office, Percy letters and papers, vol. 36, and Egerton 116.
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
On Fearghal Óg’s use of supplementary stanzas in some of a his poems in honour of Mág Aonghusa
(= Aodh mac Domhnaill ob. 1595) of Uíbh Eathach, Conn Ó Ruairc (ob. 1577) and St Peter. Incl.
section on ‘names, place-names and poetic titles’, e.g. Conn Cruachan, Conn
Aolmhuighe, Conn Calraighe; Mág Aonghusa, Clann Rosa, Clár
Rosa. Also incl. app. on: 1. the date of Fearghal óg’s visit to Scotland (between 1577 and 1591
?); 2. the Rev. John Beaton’s ‘Broad Book’ (= MS NLS [Adv.] 72.1.1 (2nd part)), whose last folio contains a
sample of writing by Fearghal Óg; ‘Broad Book’ is of North-Connacht provenance and was written by
Adhamh Ó Cuirnín: cf. T. Ó Cocheanainn, in Ériu 26 (1975) 99–101.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Compares the two versions (found in Expugnatio Hibernica and The Song of Dermot and the Earl) of the spectral visit to Robert fitz Stephen’s camp, and discusses the appearance phantasmal armies in early Irish literature.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
ad B. Ó Cuív 1951, Irish dialects and Irish-speaking districts (BILL 1240). Reexamines the grammatical features that traditionally have justified the linguistic divide between Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It is argued that the differences between the transitional dialects of NE Ireland and SW Scotland never prevented mutual intellegibility.
Analyses the ‘speech’ of Clann Tomáis in Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis, Táin bó Geanainn and Lucht na Simléirí. Includes sections on 1. Focail dar críoch éis; 2. Siombalachas fuaime; Béarlagair léannta, e.g. mac ar muin, ceann fa eite, plaic fa chuim, méar fá bhróig, bróg fá shop, ceanar fá iris.
Discusses a number of Irish words for ‘scale’, ‘film’, ‘skin’, etc., incl. lann, bloesc (blaosc, plaosc), scánnán, seicne, scam(h)a, scam(h)ach, scamhadh, scamh, screamh, scamall, scamhal, fachail; also ad. D. Greene, in Celtica 4 (1958), p. 45 (BILL 1613).
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).
Asseses the various attempts at an etymology of this word (cf. T. F. O’Rahilly, in Ériu 9 (1923), pp. 18-19, T. S. Ó Máille, in Éigse 11/1 (1964), pp. 20-21, R. A. Breatnach, in Éigse 11/3 (1966), p. 159) and adheres to E. Knott's suggestion of a derivation from Engl. pleurisy; also on the borrowing of p- as p- and f-).
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
[1.] The name and battle of Mugdock, near Milngavie; [2.] Black Agnes Dunbar and her ploddeil [< Ir. plód + Fr. coll. -aille]; [3.] A Celtic etymology for hallock ‘foolish girl’; [4.] A Gaelic etymology for Dunbar’s dery dan [< Ir. daire dána]; [5.] Dunbar’s carlingis pet [< Ir. peata].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).
Further to B. Ó Cuív's suggestion (in Éigse 12 (1967-1968), pp. 139-140) regarding the origin of the phrase bróga ar nós Polónia from Seón Mairtín’s poem, beg. Cionnas sin, a Phápa.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).
Includes a brief discussion of the Irish names for Waterford, Port Láirge and Loch dá Cháech. In appendix a list of their occurrences in the Irish annals.
Focuses on nineteen distinctive features of the Strathspey dialect:
1. Dropping of final unstressed vowel; 2. Dropping of vowel in -as ending; 3. Dropping of -adh ending; 4. He/it (m) (emphatic form) [ScG eise]; 5. They (pronunciation) [ScG aid]; 6. Independent future ending [-(e)as]; 7 & 8: Preaspiration; 9. Breaking of long é; 10. bh vocalized to u; 11. Final slender nn pronounced as ng; 12. Broad s becomes z (when preceded by n); 13. f becomes b (when preceded by m; 14. Playing [ScG. a’ cluich]; 15. Children [ScG cloinn]; 16. Down(wards) [ScG a-bhàn]; 17. East(wards) and west(wards) [ScG sìos, suas]; 18. (Fresh) water [bùrn]; 19. Boy [ScG praitseach].
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
1. Cardenden and Kincardine revisited; 2. The river Teign of Devon and Tain, Ross-shire; 3. Gask and ‘Uggelville’, near Perth; 4. Cadzow, the old name of Hamilton; 5. Cockleroy, near Linlithgow; 6. Prenderguest, Berwickshire; 7. Callendar, The White Land, and Falkirk in Le lai de desiré.
Argues that the distinction between between primary and subordinate nations was developed by the author of the Irish Sex aetates mundi in order to account for the existence of more than the canonical seventy-two nations mentioned in Genesis, prímchenéla (or cenéla écsamla) being those created at the Tower of Babel, and fochenéla those created afterwards from the older ones and not possessing their own language.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
Discusses implications of the use of certain words in sixth-, seventh- and early eighth-century Ireland, e.g. Lat. princeps, principatus, census, ius, regnum and Ir. toísigecht [sic leg.], flaith, flaithem, flaithemnacht, airchinnech, etc.
Discusses implications of the use of certain words in sixth-, seventh- and early eighth-century Ireland, e.g. Lat. princeps, principatus, census, ius, regnum and Ir. toísigecht [sic leg.], flaith, flaithem, flaithemnacht, airchinnech, etc.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
Suggests that Keating’s allegory on the proimpiollán (‘beetle’) in the díonbhrollach to his Forus Feasa ar Éirinn is based on an exemplum from the English fabulist and preacher, Odo of Cheriton (†1247).
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. The isle of Arran; 2. Carmyle, Glasgow; 3. Carmunnock, near Glasgow; 4. The river Gryfe, near Paisley; 5. Watcarrick, near Lockerbie; 6. ‘Crachoctre’, near Coldingham; 7. Gogar, near Edinburgh; 8. Two Angus place-names: Prosen Water and Aberlemno; 9. Arbirlot, near Arbroath; 10. The Water of May, near Perth.
Discusses the native medieval Irish etymological tradition (bélrae n-etarscartha) with examples taken from the Auraicept [ros], Sanas Cormac [cánóin, fiadnaise, prull], Aided Cheltchair meic Uthechair [Semuine], etc.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].
1. cómhrac i dtóin [and gáir faoi tholl]; 2. fochraí (an) lae [< fochroíb; cf. also forcraid, fortraid; for variation in similar clusters, cf. M. A. O’Brien, in Celtica 2/2 (1954), p. 353]; 3. feiste [‘entertainment’; feist, eisteas, feisteas; 4. crioslach [crioslaí pl.]; 5. seir; 6. paidir chapaill; 7. púirín; 8. is (ní) luar liom [luar < lú orm]; 9. tɑ: tu: tau [togha].
Argues that the nasals in three-consonant clusters or resulting from
nasalization do not coalesce with a following b,
d, g, and that the punctum delens is an
orthographical device used regularly to denote these real clusters.