Words and Proper Names

p- (∼ b-)

418.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Celtica 19 (1987), p. 12.
[1.] builicín agus builcín (In the dialects of Galway, from Engl. bulkin and bulk respectively; also puilicín; other instances of alternation between initial p and b given); [2.] feidheal < meitheal (other instances of alternation between initial f and m given).

p-, f- (in loan words)

893.
Quin (E. G.): Varia: XI. 2. flúirse.
In Ériu 36 (1985), pp. 207–209.
Asseses the various attempts at an etymology of this word (cf. T. F. O’Rahilly, in Ériu 9 (1923), pp. 18-19, T. S. Ó Máille, in Éigse 11/1 (1964), pp. 20-21, R. A. Breatnach, in Éigse 11/3 (1966), p. 159) and adheres to E. Knott's suggestion of a derivation from Engl. pleurisy; also on the borrowing of p- as p- and f-).

paidir

12830.
Doyle (Aidan): An focal paidir sa Nua-Gaeilge agus a bhrí.
In Séimhfhear suairc [Fs. B. Ó Conchúir] (2013), pp. 82–85.

paidir chapaill

1490.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 14/4 (Geimhreadh 1972), pp. 275–282.
1. cómhrac i dtóin [and gáir faoi tholl]; 2. fochraí (an) lae [< fochroíb; cf. also forcraid, fortraid; for variation in similar clusters, cf. M. A. O’Brien, in Celtica 2/2 (1954), p. 353]; 3. feiste [‘entertainment’; feist, eisteas, feisteas; 4. crioslach [crioslaí pl.]; 5. seir; 6. paidir chapaill; 7. púirín; 8. is () luar liom [luar < lú orm]; 9. tɑ: tu: tau [togha].
O’Brien (M. A.) (ref.)

pailis

12344.
Nic Mhaoláin (Máire): Varia: I. Dornán iasachtaí sa Ghaeilge.
In Éigse 38 (2013), pp. 246–251.
1. giústa / giúsda / giusda; 2. bolb; 3. corsaicí / cursaicí / cosaicí / cosáicí; 4. (sna) luchógaí; 5. agaill / agailt / agaille / angailt / anglach; 6. pailis / pailís / pálás.

pailís

12344.
Nic Mhaoláin (Máire): Varia: I. Dornán iasachtaí sa Ghaeilge.
In Éigse 38 (2013), pp. 246–251.
1. giústa / giúsda / giusda; 2. bolb; 3. corsaicí / cursaicí / cosaicí / cosáicí; 4. (sna) luchógaí; 5. agaill / agailt / agaille / angailt / anglach; 6. pailis / pailís / pálás.

pailméar

218.
de Bhaldraithe (T.): Palmaire agus focail eile.
In Celtica 23 (1999), pp. 76–81.
1. palmaire/falmaire/falmaireacht; 2. fámaire/fámaireacht; 3. palmaire/falmaire; 4. falmadóir/halmadóir; 5. failm/ailm; 6. pailméar; 7. pám; 8. tailm/sailm/failm.

páiméad

1704.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Roinnt focal ón iasacht.
In Éigse 17/3 (Samhradh 1978), pp. 319–325.
1. ainsiléad; 2. bindealán; 3. buimbéal; 4. bumbal, buimiléad; 5. fáiméad, páiméad; 6. fúinniméad, fúinniméadach; 7. líméar; 8. lindéar; 9. lipéad; 10. scipéad; 11. spiara; 12. spícéad; 13. straiféad; 14. stráisiún; 15. stroimpiléad; 16. strúiméad, stráiméad; 17. struipléad.

painéad

436.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Celtica 20 (1988), pp. 1–10.
1. bleachtaire, miolcaire; 2. bráca; 3. burdún; 4. cailpís; 5. cáipéis/cáipís; 6. daorach; 7. malach; 8. ninsceachán, ninsci, ninscim, etc.; 9. painéad; 10. pasálann; 11. pasúr; 12. slincín; 13. splincéara; 14. sprioc; 15. trantal.

paitinn

11689.
Nic Éinrí (Úna): Pás nó paitinn na filíochta san ochtú haois déag?
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 493–522.
Discusses the function of these documents and the status of the people to whom they were granted.

pálás

12344.
Nic Mhaoláin (Máire): Varia: I. Dornán iasachtaí sa Ghaeilge.
In Éigse 38 (2013), pp. 246–251.
1. giústa / giúsda / giusda; 2. bolb; 3. corsaicí / cursaicí / cosaicí / cosáicí; 4. (sna) luchógaí; 5. agaill / agailt / agaille / angailt / anglach; 6. pailis / pailís / pálás.

Palestine

1438.
Woods (David): Arculf’s luggage: the sources for Admomnán’s De Locis Sanctis.
In Ériu 52 (2002), pp. 25–52.
[1.] Introduction; [2.] Adomnán on Constantinople and seventh-century Palestine; [3.] Arculf’s [leg Arnulf] role in the transmission of knowledge to Adomnán; [4.] Conclusion.

palmaire

218.
de Bhaldraithe (T.): Palmaire agus focail eile.
In Celtica 23 (1999), pp. 76–81.
1. palmaire/falmaire/falmaireacht; 2. fámaire/fámaireacht; 3. palmaire/falmaire; 4. falmadóir/halmadóir; 5. failm/ailm; 6. pailméar; 7. pám; 8. tailm/sailm/failm.

paltóg

1873.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 107–110.
1. úróig [< úrach = iubhrach; 2. piobarnaíl; 3. An ghé bheag; 4. crích [dat. of críoch ‘sceacha nó driseacha’ (Cois Fharraige)]; 5. paltóg; 6. cuitléir(e).

pám

218.
de Bhaldraithe (T.): Palmaire agus focail eile.
In Celtica 23 (1999), pp. 76–81.
1. palmaire/falmaire/falmaireacht; 2. fámaire/fámaireacht; 3. palmaire/falmaire; 4. falmadóir/halmadóir; 5. failm/ailm; 6. pailméar; 7. pám; 8. tailm/sailm/failm.

Panlathy

13605.
Breeze (Andrew): Some Celtic place-names of Scotland: Ptolemy’s Verubium promontorium, Bede’s Urbs Giudi, Mendick, Minto, and Panlathy.
In ScotL 23 (2004), pp. 57–67.
1. Ptolemy’s Verubium promontorium or Noss Head, Caithness; 2. Bede’s Urbs Giudi; 3. Mendick, Lothian; 4. Minto, near Hawick; 5. Panlathy, near Carnoustie, Angus.

*pant (Pictish) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

pápa

13342.
MacDonald (Aidan): On papar names in North and West Scotland.
In Northern studies 9 (1977), pp. 25–30.

Papa Stour

16614.
Waugh (Doreen): Placing Papa Stour in context.
In West over sea (2007), pp. 539–553.

paradigm split

712.
Watkins (Calvert): Varia: III. 1. OIr. clí and cleth ‘house-post’.
In Ériu 29 (1978), pp. 155–165.
Argues that clí (m.) ‘poet of the third highest rank’ is distinct from clí (f.) ‘house-post, pillar’, and that cleth (f.) ‘house-post’ and clí (f.) represent an instance of paradigm split. Additionally suggests that clith in Audacht Morainn, §§2.18, 63.163 (as ed. by F. Kelly, 1976) represents an oblique case of clí.

Parbh (ScG)

4451.
Taylor (A. B.): Cape Wrath and its various names.
In ScS 17 (1973), p. 61.
ScG (Am) Parph.

Pardusin

4419.
Taylor (Simon): Some early Scottish place-names and Queen Margaret.
In ScotL 13 (1994), pp. 1–17.
Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].

Parliamentárians na dtárr maothlach

1682.
Harrison (Alan): ‘The soft rump’.
In Éigse 17/2 (Geimhreadh 1977–1978), p. 236.
`Parliamentárians na dtárr maothlach’ from poem beg. Innisim fís is ní fís bhréige í (= An Síogaí Rómhánach, FSCPP 22 l. 112) based on Engl ‘The Soft Rump’, which was used to refer to ‘The Rump Parliament’ of 6 December 1648, which condemned Charles I to death.

Parph (ScG)

4451.
Taylor (A. B.): Cape Wrath and its various names.
In ScS 17 (1973), p. 61.
ScG (Am) Parph.

part-

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)

partaing

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)

partán

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

parthicus (Lat)

1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)

Partraige

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.
13037.
Ó Muraíle (Nollaig): Some early Connacht population-groups.
In Seanchas [Fs. Byrne] (2000), pp. 161–177.
Calraige; Ciarraige; Partraige.

paruchia

1232.
Etchingham (Colmán): The implications of paruchia.
In Ériu 44 (1993), pp. 139–162.
[1.] Paruchia in canons and hagiography; [2.] Córas Béscnai and the ‘Drumlease document’; [3.] Conclusion. Paruchia refers to the pastoral jurisdiction of a bishop and not to a federation of geographicaly dispersed monasteries.

paruchia (Lat)

1374.
Sharpe (Richard): Some problems concerning the organisation of the Church in early medieval Ireland.
In Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 230–270.
Discusses ecclesiastical terminology (e.g. Lat. paruchia, familia, dominicus (> Ir. domnach), princeps, Ir. airchinnech, epscop tuaithe (cf. Lat. clericus plebis), etc.) and the impact of monasticism.

pas

11689.
Nic Éinrí (Úna): Pás nó paitinn na filíochta san ochtú haois déag?
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 493–522.
Discusses the function of these documents and the status of the people to whom they were granted.

pasálann

436.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Celtica 20 (1988), pp. 1–10.
1. bleachtaire, miolcaire; 2. bráca; 3. burdún; 4. cailpís; 5. cáipéis/cáipís; 6. daorach; 7. malach; 8. ninsceachán, ninsci, ninscim, etc.; 9. painéad; 10. pasálann; 11. pasúr; 12. slincín; 13. splincéara; 14. sprioc; 15. trantal.

pasúr

436.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Celtica 20 (1988), pp. 1–10.
1. bleachtaire, miolcaire; 2. bráca; 3. burdún; 4. cailpís; 5. cáipéis/cáipís; 6. daorach; 7. malach; 8. ninsceachán, ninsci, ninscim, etc.; 9. painéad; 10. pasálann; 11. pasúr; 12. slincín; 13. splincéara; 14. sprioc; 15. trantal.

pata

2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

Pater noster

1016.
Ó Háinle (Cathal G.): An Phaidir: Ó Maolchonaire agus Ó hEodhasa.
In Celtica 24 (2003), pp. 239–251.
The third essay in a series of essays on the Pater noster in Irish: see Celtica 21 (1990), pp. 470-488 and Celtica 22 (1991), pp. 145-164.
464.
Ó Háinle (Cathal): The Pater Noster in Irish: reformation texts to c. 1650.
In Celtica 22 (1991), pp. 145–164.

pathew (W)

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)

Patrick, St.

1962.
Breatnach (P. A.): Notula Patriciana.
In Éigse 27 (1993), p. 80.
wr. by Míchéal Ó Cléirigh; ed. from Brussels MS 2324-40;.
2117.
Koch (John T.): *Cothairche, Esposito’s theory, and Neo-Celtic lenition.
In Britain 400–600 (1990), pp. 179–202.
2116.
Sharpe (Richard): Saint Mauchteus, discipulus Patricii.
In Britain 400–600 (1990), pp. 85–93.
1256.
Carey (John): An edition of the pseudo-historical prologue to the Senchas Már.
In Ériu 45 (1994), pp. 1–32.
Edition, with translation and notes, from TCD H 3. 18, H 3. 17, Harley 432, and Lebor na hUidre. Appendix 1 contains an edition from MS TCD H 3. 17 of a passage concerning Dubthach’s judgement (with translation and notes); Appendix 2 contains an edition from MS Harley 432 of the retelling of a story concerning the killing of Patrick’s charioteer, Odrán (with translation and notes). Cf. J. Carey, in CMCS 19 (Summer, 1990), pp. 1-18.
1258.
Swift (Catherine): Tírechán’s motives in compiling the Collectanea: an alternative interpretation.
In Ériu 45 (1994), pp. 53–82.
1. Tírechán’s aims in compiling the Collectanea: the established position; 2. The diverse nature of Patrician tradition; 3. Tírechán’s attitude to Armagh; 4. The ‘great church of Patrick’ associated with Conall m. Néill; 5. Loíguire’s control over Connacht as portrayed in the Collectanea; 6. The political context within which the Collectanea was written.
1394.
Lambkin (B. K.): Patrick, Armagh and Emain Macha.
In Emania 2 (1987), pp. 29–31.
Discusses the episode of Patrick and Dáire and suggests that Armagh was chosen as primatial see because of its importance as druidic centre. vs. R. Sharpe, St. Patrick and the See of Armagh, in CMCS 4 (Winter, 1982), pp. 33–59.
362.
Ó Raifeartaigh (T.): A rationale for the censuring of Saint Patrick by the seniores.
In Celtica 16 (1984), pp. 13–33.
1685.
Borsje (Jacqueline): De goede buren van God: verschillende vormen van inculturatie van het volk van de elfenheuvels in het middeleeuwse Ierse christendom.
In Veelkleurig christendom (2003), pp. 197–210.
[(In Dutch:) The good neighbours of God: various forms of inculturation of the people of the fairy mounds in medieval Irish Christianity.]

1. Inleiding; 2. Sint Patrick als verschijning; 3. Elfen, goden en verschijningen: overlappingen; 4. Van demonisch tot goddelijk; 5. Sint Patrick bij de bron; 6. Slot.

Revised and extended version in Boundaries of monotheism (2009), pp. 53–81.
1847.
Ó Cathasaigh (Tomás): Curse and satire.
In Éigse 21 (1986), pp. 10–15.
Repr. in Coire sois, pp. 95-100.
2527.
Charles-Edwards (T. M.): Early Irish saints’ cults and their constituencies.
In Ériu 54 (2004), pp. 79–102.
Focuses on the Fothairt saints Damnat, Brigit and Fintan, and argues that the characteristics of a particular saint’s cult were dependent on kindred, politics and territory. In appendix contains a translation of Bethu Phátraic lines 2195-2218 (as ed. by K. Mulchrone, 1939 [Best2 1993]).
3316.
Howlett (David): Numerical punctilio in Patrick’s Confessio.
In Peritia 17–18 (2003–2004), pp. 150–153.

pattu

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)

patu

2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

peat

10582.
Breeze (Andrew): Eine keltische Etymologie für englisch pet ‘Lieblingstier’.
In Übersetzung, Adaptation und Akkulturation im insularen Mittelalter (1999), pp. 47–50.
Suggests Sc. and N. Engl. dial. pet is < Ir. petta (via ScG peata).

peata

8948.
Breeze (Andrew): Notes on some Scottish words and phrases: Mugdock, ploddeil, hallock, `dery dan', `carlingis pet'.
In ScotL 28 (2009), pp. 27–38.
[1.] The name and battle of Mugdock, near Milngavie; [2.] Black Agnes Dunbar and her ploddeil [< Ir. plód + Fr. coll. -aille]; [3.] A Celtic etymology for hallock ‘foolish girl’; [4.] A Gaelic etymology for Dunbar’s dery dan [< Ir. daire dána]; [5.] Dunbar’s carlingis pet [< Ir. peata].

peata (ScG)

10582.
Breeze (Andrew): Eine keltische Etymologie für englisch pet ‘Lieblingstier’.
In Übersetzung, Adaptation und Akkulturation im insularen Mittelalter (1999), pp. 47–50.
Suggests Sc. and N. Engl. dial. pet is < Ir. petta (via ScG peata).

pecthad

2709.
McKenna (Malachy): On pecthad ‘sinner’ in the Würzburg glosses.
In ZCP 44 (1991), p. 79.
Defends MS reading pecthad against editors’ emendation to pecthaid (Wb. 29a23).

pecthaid

2709.
McKenna (Malachy): On pecthad ‘sinner’ in the Würzburg glosses.
In ZCP 44 (1991), p. 79.
Defends MS reading pecthad against editors’ emendation to pecthaid (Wb. 29a23).

peighinn

16198.
Bannerman (John): The Scots language and the kin-based society.
In Gaelic and Scots in harmony (1990), pp. 1–19.
Discusses the use of Gaelic legal terms and concepts in Scots law.

peighinn (ScG)

4485.
MacQueen (John): Pennyland and Davoch in South-Western Scotland: a preliminary note.
In ScS 23 (1979), pp. 69–74.
Discusses the following place-names elements: 1. peighinn; 2. leithpheighinn; 3. fàirdean; 4. dabhach; 5. ceathramh.

peillic

13112.
O’Dowd (Anne): Of the tiachóg and peillic and objects of straw and rushes.
In Northern lights [Almqvist essays] (2001), pp. 262–278.

peilt

1732.
Mac Mathúna (Liam): Geilt sa chiall duine lomnocht.
In Éigse 18/1 (1980), pp. 39–42.
Includes the paradigm of geilt in both Early and Modern Irish.

peirseacuision

1867.
Cunningham (Bernadette), Gillespie (Raymond): Persecution in seventeenth-century Irish.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 15–20.
Persecution as used beside and different from Ir. inghreim in religious texts in the Counter-Reformation period.

peirsecuision

1867.
Cunningham (Bernadette), Gillespie (Raymond): Persecution in seventeenth-century Irish.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 15–20.
Persecution as used beside and different from Ir. inghreim in religious texts in the Counter-Reformation period.

péisd a bpollchomhrádh

1786.
Williams (N. J. A.): A note on Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis.
In Éigse 19/2 (1983), p. 398.
ad lines 1037-8.

péist

11722.
Sayers (William): Pest: interaction in English and Scots.
In N&Q 55/4 (Dec. 2008), pp. 406–408.

Peit- (ScG)

5054.
Cox (Richard A. V.): Modern Scottish Gaelic reflexes of two Pictish words: *pett and *lannerc.
In Nomina 20 (1997), pp. 47–58.
ScG Peit-, Lannraig, etc.

pell

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.
12600.
Arbuthnot (Sharon J.): Only fools and horses: dá n-ó bill and dá n-ó pill in medieval Irish texts.
In CMCS 65 (Summer 2013), pp. 49–56.
Suggests the phrase dá n-ó bill (in the glosses to Félire Óengusso 3 July and Sanas Cormaic Y §179) represents phonetic spelling for dá n-ó pill ‘two ears of a horse’, and was mistakenly associated with OIr. bill, bell by early Irish glossators.

pellis (Lat)

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)

*pen (Pictish) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

Penchrise

4431.
Breeze (Andrew): Some Celtic place-names of Scotland, including Dalriada, Kincarden, Abercorn, Coldingham and Girvan.
In ScotL 18 (1999), pp. 34–51.
1. Bede and the name Dalriada; 2. Froissart’s Montres and Melrose Abbey; 3. William Worcestre on Stormont and Dercongal; 4. William Worcestre on Lough Hakern, Islay; 5. Cardenden and Kincardine; 6. Abercorn, Lothian; 7. Insula Leverith, the old name of Cramond Island; 8. Coldingham, near Berwick; 9. Penchrise, near Hawick; 10. Aberlosk, near Moffat; 11. Girvan, Ayrshire.

Pennango

13794.
Breeze (Andrew): Scottish place-names: the way ahead.
In Doonsin’ emerauds (2004), pp. 18–23.
Discusses the following Scottish place-names: 1. Noss Head, Piltanton Burn, Bennachie, and Dunscanby Head; 2. Arran, Cumnock, Girvan, and Irvine; 3. Loquhariot; 4. Pennango and Soutra.

Percy, Hugh, Earl of Northumberland and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland

1869.
Mahony (Robert): Muiris Ó Gormáin and the Lords Lieutenant of Ireland.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 25–36.
On the recycling by Muiris Ó Gormáin for later Lords Lieutenant of his 1763 accession poem (with English translation) for Hugh Percy, Earl of Northumberland, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. First line Is aoibhinn dhuit, a Éire, in MSS Alnwick Castle (England), Northumberland Estates Office, Percy letters and papers, vol. 36, and Egerton 116.

peregrinatio (Lat)

1375.
MacDonald (A. D. S.): Aspects of the monastery and monastic life in Adomnán’s Life of Columba.
In Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 271–302.
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).

perfectives

720.
Greene (David): Perfects and perfectives in Irish.
In Ériu 30 (1979), pp. 122–141.

perfects

720.
Greene (David): Perfects and perfectives in Irish.
In Ériu 30 (1979), pp. 122–141.

persecution (Engl. lw. in Ir.)

1867.
Cunningham (Bernadette), Gillespie (Raymond): Persecution in seventeenth-century Irish.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 15–20.
Persecution as used beside and different from Ir. inghreim in religious texts in the Counter-Reformation period.

*pert (Pictish) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

Peter (St)

1527.
Ó Concheanainn (Tomás): A feature of the poetry of Fearghal Óg Mac an Bhaird.
In Éigse 15/3 (Samhradh 1974), pp. 235–251.
On Fearghal Óg’s use of supplementary stanzas in some of a his poems in honour of Mág Aonghusa (= Aodh mac Domhnaill ob. 1595) of Uíbh Eathach, Conn Ó Ruairc (ob. 1577) and St Peter. Incl. section on ‘names, place-names and poetic titles’, e.g. Conn Cruachan, Conn Aolmhuighe, Conn Calraighe; Mág Aonghusa, Clann Rosa, Clár Rosa. Also incl. app. on: 1. the date of Fearghal óg’s visit to Scotland (between 1577 and 1591 ?); 2. the Rev. John Beaton’s ‘Broad Book’ (= MS NLS [Adv.] 72.1.1 (2nd part)), whose last folio contains a sample of writing by Fearghal Óg; ‘Broad Book’ is of North-Connacht provenance and was written by Adhamh Ó Cuirnín: cf. T. Ó Cocheanainn, in Ériu 26 (1975) 99–101.

Peter, St

1553.
Dumville (David N.): An episode in Edmund Campion’s Historie of Ireland.
In Éigse 16/2 (Geimhreadh 1975), pp. 131–132.
On St. Peter battling for the soul of an Irish galloglass.

pett (in place names)

4419.
Taylor (Simon): Some early Scottish place-names and Queen Margaret.
In ScotL 13 (1994), pp. 1–17.
Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].
13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

*pett (Pictish) (in place names)

5054.
Cox (Richard A. V.): Modern Scottish Gaelic reflexes of two Pictish words: *pett and *lannerc.
In Nomina 20 (1997), pp. 47–58.
ScG Peit-, Lannraig, etc.
13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

pett (ScG) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

petta

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.
10333.
Nuti (Andrea): Irish petta: an etymological analysis and some new comparisons.
In 13th ICCS, Bonn 2007 (2009), pp. 181–192.
10535.
Vennemann (Theo): Remarks on some British place names.
In Interdigitations [Rauch essays] (1999), pp. 25–62.
§16.4.3. The Pit- names of Pictland.

Republ. in Europa vasconica - Europa semitica / by Theo Vennemann. Ed. by Patrizia Noel, Aziz Hanna (Berlin 2003), pp. 479-515.
10582.
Breeze (Andrew): Eine keltische Etymologie für englisch pet ‘Lieblingstier’.
In Übersetzung, Adaptation und Akkulturation im insularen Mittelalter (1999), pp. 47–50.
Suggests Sc. and N. Engl. dial. pet is < Ir. petta (via ScG peata).

*petti- (Brit)

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)

*pevr (Pictish) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

phantom armies

2013.
Mullally (Evelyn): The phantom army of 1169: an Anglo-Norman view.
In Éigse 31 (1999), pp. 89–101.
Compares the two versions (found in Expugnatio Hibernica and The Song of Dermot and the Earl) of the spectral visit to Robert fitz Stephen’s camp, and discusses the appearance phantasmal armies in early Irish literature.

Phelan (family name)

16220.
FitzGerald (Ivan): Gaelic genealogical sources: Phelan of the Decies.
In IG 14/2 (2015), pp. 190–200.

Piaras

6246.
Pierse (John H.): The origin of the Pierse family of Co. Kerry.
In JKAHS 5 (1972), pp. 14–32.
Appendix: Craobhscaoileadh seanchais Chloinne Piarais (text from MS UCD Ferriter 1; with English translation).

píast

11722.
Sayers (William): Pest: interaction in English and Scots.
In N&Q 55/4 (Dec. 2008), pp. 406–408.

Pierse (familiy name)

6246.
Pierse (John H.): The origin of the Pierse family of Co. Kerry.
In JKAHS 5 (1972), pp. 14–32.
Appendix: Craobhscaoileadh seanchais Chloinne Piarais (text from MS UCD Ferriter 1; with English translation).

Piltanton Burn

13794.
Breeze (Andrew): Scottish place-names: the way ahead.
In Doonsin’ emerauds (2004), pp. 18–23.
Discusses the following Scottish place-names: 1. Noss Head, Piltanton Burn, Bennachie, and Dunscanby Head; 2. Arran, Cumnock, Girvan, and Irvine; 3. Loquhariot; 4. Pennango and Soutra.

Pín (Iphín)

1052.
McManus (Damian): Irish letter-names and their kennings.
In Ériu 39 (1988), pp. 127–168.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.

pingin

11709.
Watson (Seosamh): ‘Dada’ i nGaeilge na hÉireann agus na hAlban.
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 983–1008.
1. , nithinn, a bheag, cineál; 2. dada, tada, rud, neamhní, náit, puinn, se(o)id, pioc, bit, fríd, giob, luid, heat, pingin, ás, bonn, sciúrtóg, screapall; 3. dath, , ceo, seó, leus, poidhs, scaile, steama; 4. sian, seinm, guth, dùrd, focal, puth, diog, cneadadh; 5. blas, gráinne, greim, smailc, deoir; 6. cáil, cruthaitheachd, tarbha, faic(e), tap, car, fionna-feanna, folt.

pìobaireachd (ScG)

4457.
Cannon (Roderick D.): Gaelic names of pibrochs: a classification.
In ScS 34 (2000–2006), pp. 20–59.

piobarnaíl

1873.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 22 (1987), pp. 107–110.
1. úróig [< úrach = iubhrach; 2. piobarnaíl; 3. An ghé bheag; 4. crích [dat. of críoch ‘sceacha nó driseacha’ (Cois Fharraige)]; 5. paltóg; 6. cuitléir(e).

pioc

11709.
Watson (Seosamh): ‘Dada’ i nGaeilge na hÉireann agus na hAlban.
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 983–1008.
1. , nithinn, a bheag, cineál; 2. dada, tada, rud, neamhní, náit, puinn, se(o)id, pioc, bit, fríd, giob, luid, heat, pingin, ás, bonn, sciúrtóg, screapall; 3. dath, , ceo, seó, leus, poidhs, scaile, steama; 4. sian, seinm, guth, dùrd, focal, puth, diog, cneadadh; 5. blas, gráinne, greim, smailc, deoir; 6. cáil, cruthaitheachd, tarbha, faic(e), tap, car, fionna-feanna, folt.

pípán

203.
Breeze (Andrew): Gaelic etymologies for Scots pippane ‘lace’, ron ‘seal’, trachle ‘bedraggle’.
In SGS 19 (1999), pp. 246–252.
Pippane ‘lace, cord’ < Gaelic pípán; ron ‘seal’ < rón; trachle ‘bedraggle, spoil, weary’ < trochail ‘break down, decay’.

pippane (Sco.)

203.
Breeze (Andrew): Gaelic etymologies for Scots pippane ‘lace’, ron ‘seal’, trachle ‘bedraggle’.
In SGS 19 (1999), pp. 246–252.
Pippane ‘lace, cord’ < Gaelic pípán; ron ‘seal’ < rón; trachle ‘bedraggle, spoil, weary’ < trochail ‘break down, decay’.

pít

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

Pit- (in place names)

10535.
Vennemann (Theo): Remarks on some British place names.
In Interdigitations [Rauch essays] (1999), pp. 25–62.
§16.4.3. The Pit- names of Pictland.

Republ. in Europa vasconica - Europa semitica / by Theo Vennemann. Ed. by Patrizia Noel, Aziz Hanna (Berlin 2003), pp. 479-515.
4419.
Taylor (Simon): Some early Scottish place-names and Queen Margaret.
In ScotL 13 (1994), pp. 1–17.
Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].

pitantia (Lat)

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)

Pitbauchlie

4419.
Taylor (Simon): Some early Scottish place-names and Queen Margaret.
In ScotL 13 (1994), pp. 1–17.
Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].

pitch

700.
Borgstrøm (Carl Hj.): On the influence of Norse on Scottish Gaelic: preaspiration of stops and pitch patterns.
In Lochlann 6 (1974), pp. 91–103.

Pitliver

4419.
Taylor (Simon): Some early Scottish place-names and Queen Margaret.
In ScotL 13 (1994), pp. 1–17.
Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].

Pitmiclardie

5456.
Henery (Robert), Taylor (Simon): Pitmiclardie in Fife.
In JSNS 1 (2007), pp. 148–150.

piuthar (ScG)

2030.
Ó Baoill (Colm): The Gaelic continuum.
In Éigse 32 (2000), pp. 121–134.
ad B. Ó Cuív 1951, Irish dialects and Irish-speaking districts (BILL 1240). Reexamines the grammatical features that traditionally have justified the linguistic divide between Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It is argued that the differences between the transitional dialects of NE Ireland and SW Scotland never prevented mutual intellegibility.
11028.
Hamp (Eric P.): Unexpected forms in Gaelic: piuthar and faca.
In SGS 26 (Summer 2010), pp. 5–6.

plaic fa chuim

1549.
Harrison (Alan): Allagar ‘Chlann Tomáis’: gnáthchaint agus béarlagair in Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis 7rl.
In Éigse 16/2 (Geimhreadh 1975), pp. 97–112.
Analyses the ‘speech’ of Clann Tomáis in Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis, Táin bó Geanainn and Lucht na Simléirí. Includes sections on 1. Focail dar críoch éis; 2. Siombalachas fuaime; Béarlagair léannta, e.g. mac ar muin, ceann fa eite, plaic fa chuim, méar fá bhróig, bróg fá shop, ceanar fá iris.

plaide (ScG)

16202.
Bruford (Alan): Is tartan a Gaelic word?
In Gaelic and Scots in harmony (1990), pp. 57–71.
Suggests it derives from a Gaelic word describing the crossed pattern of the fabric (< *tarsnán or another derivative of tarsna).

plámás

1854.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí Nua-Ghaeilge.
In Éigse 21 (1986), pp. 150–157.
I. Sé fhocal ón iasacht: 1. batam; 2. blámás/plámás; 3. gríscín; 4. leibhit, leibhiteáil; 5. strúsín; 6. treiscín.

II. Cúig leagan cainte: 1. dhá chuid; 2. dhá leath; 3. dhá leor; 4. duine agus duine; 5. m’athair agus iad .

plaosc

674.
Greene (David): Varia: III. 1. Ceciderunt ab oculis eius tamquam squamae.
In Ériu 26 (1975), pp. 175–178.
Discusses a number of Irish words for ‘scale’, ‘film’, ‘skin’, etc., incl. lann, bloesc (blaosc, plaosc), scánnán, seicne, scam(h)a, scam(h)ach, scamhadh, scamh, screamh, scamall, scamhal, fachail; also ad. D. Greene, in Celtica 4 (1958), p. 45 (BILL 1613).
Greene (David) (ref.)

plate(ol)a monasterii (Lat)

1375.
MacDonald (A. D. S.): Aspects of the monastery and monastic life in Adomnán’s Life of Columba.
In Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 271–302.
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).

plea

8653.
Lambert (Pierre-Yves): Plebs et populus dans les pays celtiques.
In Ogma [Fs. Ní Chatháin] (2002), pp. 312–319.

*pleab

8653.
Lambert (Pierre-Yves): Plebs et populus dans les pays celtiques.
In Ogma [Fs. Ní Chatháin] (2002), pp. 312–319.

pléaráca

1972.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 27 (1993), pp. 133–138.
1. pléaráca; 2. ceairliciú; 3. geaileas; 4. rabún.

pléid (ScG)

7467.
MacAonghuis (Iain): Baird is bleidirean.
In Fs. de Bhaldraithe (1986), pp. 94–110.
pléid, bleid, bladaire.

Repr. in Dùthchas nan Gàidheal, pp. 340-356.

pleota (leota)

403.
Ó Siadhail (Mícheál): Some Modern Irish loanwords describing people.
In Celtica 18 (1986), pp. 53–56.
bambairne; cníopaire; grabaire; guilpín; (p)leota; niúide neáide; raicleach; ráilliúnach; ránaí; reanglach.

pleurisy (Engl.)

893.
Quin (E. G.): Varia: XI. 2. flúirse.
In Ériu 36 (1985), pp. 207–209.
Asseses the various attempts at an etymology of this word (cf. T. F. O’Rahilly, in Ériu 9 (1923), pp. 18-19, T. S. Ó Máille, in Éigse 11/1 (1964), pp. 20-21, R. A. Breatnach, in Éigse 11/3 (1966), p. 159) and adheres to E. Knott's suggestion of a derivation from Engl. pleurisy; also on the borrowing of p- as p- and f-).

*plíab

8653.
Lambert (Pierre-Yves): Plebs et populus dans les pays celtiques.
In Ogma [Fs. Ní Chatháin] (2002), pp. 312–319.

plimpearlán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

plód

8948.
Breeze (Andrew): Notes on some Scottish words and phrases: Mugdock, ploddeil, hallock, `dery dan', `carlingis pet'.
In ScotL 28 (2009), pp. 27–38.
[1.] The name and battle of Mugdock, near Milngavie; [2.] Black Agnes Dunbar and her ploddeil [< Ir. plód + Fr. coll. -aille]; [3.] A Celtic etymology for hallock ‘foolish girl’; [4.] A Gaelic etymology for Dunbar’s dery dan [< Ir. daire dána]; [5.] Dunbar’s carlingis pet [< Ir. peata].

pluc

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

plumbarlán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

poidhs

11709.
Watson (Seosamh): ‘Dada’ i nGaeilge na hÉireann agus na hAlban.
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 983–1008.
1. , nithinn, a bheag, cineál; 2. dada, tada, rud, neamhní, náit, puinn, se(o)id, pioc, bit, fríd, giob, luid, heat, pingin, ás, bonn, sciúrtóg, screapall; 3. dath, , ceo, seó, leus, poidhs, scaile, steama; 4. sian, seinm, guth, dùrd, focal, puth, diog, cneadadh; 5. blas, gráinne, greim, smailc, deoir; 6. cáil, cruthaitheachd, tarbha, faic(e), tap, car, fionna-feanna, folt.

póiméid

1904.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 24 (1990), pp. 124–129.
1. Codhalc; 2. Coparús; 3. cuitbéar/cuiptéar; 4. gaimiléir; 5. gallán; 6. losán; 7. póiméid; 8. réadóir; 9. smuilcín.

póirín, póiríní ‘seed potato(es)'

1763.
Ó Dochartaigh (Cathair): Some anomalous vowels.
In Éigse 19/1 (1982), pp. 137–144.
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).

Poll na Seantuinne

10411.
MacNeill (Máire): Poll na Seantuinne and Poll Tigh Liabáin.
In Béaloideas 39–41 (1971–1973), pp. 206–211.

Poll Tigh Liabáin

10411.
MacNeill (Máire): Poll na Seantuinne and Poll Tigh Liabáin.
In Béaloideas 39–41 (1971–1973), pp. 206–211.

Polónia (bróga ar nós Polónia)

438.
Ó Cuív (Brian): Bróga ar nós Polónia.
In Celtica 20 (1988), p. 28.
Further to B. Ó Cuív's suggestion (in Éigse 12 (1967-1968), pp. 139-140) regarding the origin of the phrase bróga ar nós Polónia from Seón Mairtín’s poem, beg. Cionnas sin, a Phápa.
Ó Cuív (Brian) (ref.)

pòr (ScG) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

poreen (Hib-Engl)

1763.
Ó Dochartaigh (Cathair): Some anomalous vowels.
In Éigse 19/1 (1982), pp. 137–144.
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).

porran (Ul Engl)

1763.
Ó Dochartaigh (Cathair): Some anomalous vowels.
In Éigse 19/1 (1982), pp. 137–144.
Studies the phonology of borrowings from Hiberno-English into Irish: (a) Omeath póiríní and meascán; (b) Inishowen [yː] (fraoch, giumhas, síog, síoghaidhe).

Port Láirge

4128.
Downham (Clare): The historical importance of Viking-Age Waterford.
In JCS 4 (2004), pp. 71–96.
Includes a brief discussion of the Irish names for Waterford, Port Láirge and Loch dá Cháech. In appendix a list of their occurrences in the Irish annals.

Port Manann

8317.
Downham (Clare): Tomrar’s death at Port Manann: a possible longphort site in Ireland.
In Ainm 9 (2008), pp. 57–64.

port (ScG)

4457.
Cannon (Roderick D.): Gaelic names of pibrochs: a classification.
In ScS 34 (2000–2006), pp. 20–59.

Portbrittas

2319.
Mac Gabhann (Fiachra): Logainmneacha i gceantar Bhaile Chaisleáin a thit as feidhm.
In Ainm 7 (1996), pp. 108–112.
Drumargy, Drumnacross, Gortrumine, Holm, Portbrittas, Stroanshesk.

portoose (Engl)

1555.
Ó Cuív (Brian): Two notes: [1.] portús.
In Éigse 16/2 (Geimhreadh 1975), pp. 135–136.
portús < Engl. portoose, etc.

portús

1555.
Ó Cuív (Brian): Two notes: [1.] portús.
In Éigse 16/2 (Geimhreadh 1975), pp. 135–136.
portús < Engl. portoose, etc.

pràbar (ScG)

4345.
Ní Suaird (Damhnait): Jacobite rhetoric and terminology in the political poems of the Fernaig MS (1688–1693).
In SGS 19 (1999), pp. 93–140.
Focuses on the terms: dual, dualchas; dleasdanach; dligheach; dìlseachd, dìleas; còir; àite, ionad; oighre/éighre, oighreachd/éighreachd; staoighle; Breatunn; ceart, ceartas; fìreantachd; ceann, ceannas; eucoir, eucoireach, eucorach; annasach.

praistéal

1936.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 25 (1991), pp. 160–164.
1. *airmnecht; 2. crioslach; 3. daorach; 4. fabhairne; 5. fearacht; 6. imirt; 7. isteal; 8. praistéal.

praitseach (ScG)

10699.
Grant (James): The Gaelic of Strathspey and it relationship with other dialects.
In TGSI 61 (1998–2000), pp. 71–115.
Focuses on nineteen distinctive features of the Strathspey dialect:

1. Dropping of final unstressed vowel; 2. Dropping of vowel in -as ending; 3. Dropping of -adh ending; 4. He/it (m) (emphatic form) [ScG eise]; 5. They (pronunciation) [ScG aid]; 6. Independent future ending [-(e)as]; 7 & 8: Preaspiration; 9. Breaking of long é; 10. bh vocalized to u; 11. Final slender nn pronounced as ng; 12. Broad s becomes z (when preceded by n); 13. f becomes b (when preceded by m; 14. Playing [ScG. a’ cluich]; 15. Children [ScG cloinn]; 16. Down(wards) [ScG a-bhàn]; 17. East(wards) and west(wards) [ScG sìos, suas]; 18. (Fresh) water [bùrn]; 19. Boy [ScG praitseach].

prapp

1161.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
1435.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
2575.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.

prasgan (ScG)

4345.
Ní Suaird (Damhnait): Jacobite rhetoric and terminology in the political poems of the Fernaig MS (1688–1693).
In SGS 19 (1999), pp. 93–140.
Focuses on the terms: dual, dualchas; dleasdanach; dligheach; dìlseachd, dìleas; còir; àite, ionad; oighre/éighre, oighreachd/éighreachd; staoighle; Breatunn; ceart, ceartas; fìreantachd; ceann, ceannas; eucoir, eucoireach, eucorach; annasach.

preas (ScG) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

preaspiration

700.
Borgstrøm (Carl Hj.): On the influence of Norse on Scottish Gaelic: preaspiration of stops and pitch patterns.
In Lochlann 6 (1974), pp. 91–103.
856.
Ó Murchú (Máirtín): Varia: VIII. Devoicing and pre-aspiration in varieties of Scots Gaelic.
In Ériu 36 (1985), pp. 195–198.
On the opposition between earlier voiced -b -d -g and voiceless -p -t -k and its relevance to the development of preaspiration in Scottish Gaelic.
1342.
Grant (Seumas): Gaelic in Western Banffshire: the extent of Gaelic speech in 1881 and the nature of the Gaelic dialect spoken.
In Rannsachadh na Gàidhlig 1 (2002), pp. 75–90.
[1.] Evidence for Gaelic speech in Banffshire in 1881; [2.] Evidence for the Gaelic dialect of Banffshire. Features with corresponding maps discussed incl.: 1. -am, -om; 2. -all, -oll, -ann, -onn; 3./4. Preaspiration before t and p; 5. -adh > Ø; 6. bh > u; 7. Slender -nn > [ŋˊ]; 8. -m + f- > -m + b-; 9. -n + s- > -n + z-; 10. -n + ʃ> -n + ʤ; 11. ‘east’ (sìos), ‘west’ (suas); 12. down(wards) (a-bhàn); [3.] Conclusions.

*pren (Pictish) (in place names)

13455.
Taylor (Simon): Pictish place-names revisited.
In Pictish progress (2011), pp. 67–118.
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

Prenderguest

4438.
Breeze (Andrew): Some Celtic place-names of Scotland, including Tain, Cadzow, Cockleroy and Prenderguest.
In ScotL 21 (2002), pp. 27–42.
1. Cardenden and Kincardine revisited; 2. The river Teign of Devon and Tain, Ross-shire; 3. Gask and ‘Uggelville’, near Perth; 4. Cadzow, the old name of Hamilton; 5. Cockleroy, near Linlithgow; 6. Prenderguest, Berwickshire; 7. Callendar, The White Land, and Falkirk in Le lai de desiré.

Previck

5077.
Scott (Margaret): Previck and Leckprivick: onomastic connections.
In Nomina 29 (2006), pp. 115–128.

prímchenél

15919.
Wadden (Patrick): Prímchenéla and fochenéla in the Irish Sex aetates mundi.
In Ériu 66 (2016), pp. 167–178.
Argues that the distinction between between primary and subordinate nations was developed by the author of the Irish Sex aetates mundi in order to account for the existence of more than the canonical seventy-two nations mentioned in Genesis, prímchenéla (or cenéla écsamla) being those created at the Tower of Babel, and fochenéla those created afterwards from the older ones and not possessing their own language.

primpearlán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

princeps (Lat.)

1387.
Davies (Wendy): Clerics as rulers: some implications of the terminology of ecclesiastical authority in early medieval Ireland.
In Latin and the vernacular in early medieval Britain (1982), pp. 81–97.
Discusses implications of the use of certain words in sixth-, seventh- and early eighth-century Ireland, e.g. Lat. princeps, principatus, census, ius, regnum and Ir. toísigecht [sic leg.], flaith, flaithem, flaithemnacht, airchinnech, etc.
1374.
Sharpe (Richard): Some problems concerning the organisation of the Church in early medieval Ireland.
In Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 230–270.
Discusses ecclesiastical terminology (e.g. Lat. paruchia, familia, dominicus (> Ir. domnach), princeps, Ir. airchinnech, epscop tuaithe (cf. Lat. clericus plebis), etc.) and the impact of monasticism.

principatus (Lat.)

1387.
Davies (Wendy): Clerics as rulers: some implications of the terminology of ecclesiastical authority in early medieval Ireland.
In Latin and the vernacular in early medieval Britain (1982), pp. 81–97.
Discusses implications of the use of certain words in sixth-, seventh- and early eighth-century Ireland, e.g. Lat. princeps, principatus, census, ius, regnum and Ir. toísigecht [sic leg.], flaith, flaithem, flaithemnacht, airchinnech, etc.

príomhchalladóir

14112.
Pettiau (Hérold): The officials of the church of Armagh in the early and central middle ages, to A.D. 1200.
In Armagh history and society (2001), pp. 121–186.
Lists and discusses the titles of officials of the church of Armagh found in early Irish chronicles: 1. epscop; 2. tánaise epscoip; 3. ap; 4. tánaise abbad: 5. secnap; 6. comarba; 7. airchinnech; 8. fosairchinnech; 9. maer (or ardmaer); 10. maer bachla Ísa; 11. ferthigis; 12. scríbneoir; 13. anchara; 14. fer léiginn; 15. toísech macc léiginn; 16. sacart; 17. anmchara; 18. senchaid; 19. ecnaid; 20. suí; 21. ardollam; 22. cenn bocht; 23. príomhchalladóir; 24. príomhchríochaire; 25. leabhar coimhéadaigh.

príomhchríochaire

14112.
Pettiau (Hérold): The officials of the church of Armagh in the early and central middle ages, to A.D. 1200.
In Armagh history and society (2001), pp. 121–186.
Lists and discusses the titles of officials of the church of Armagh found in early Irish chronicles: 1. epscop; 2. tánaise epscoip; 3. ap; 4. tánaise abbad: 5. secnap; 6. comarba; 7. airchinnech; 8. fosairchinnech; 9. maer (or ardmaer); 10. maer bachla Ísa; 11. ferthigis; 12. scríbneoir; 13. anchara; 14. fer léiginn; 15. toísech macc léiginn; 16. sacart; 17. anmchara; 18. senchaid; 19. ecnaid; 20. suí; 21. ardollam; 22. cenn bocht; 23. príomhchalladóir; 24. príomhchríochaire; 25. leabhar coimhéadaigh.

priompallán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

priompsheillain

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

pr(o)impeallán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

proimpiollán

772.
Williams (N. J. A.): A possible source for a passage in Keating’s history.
In ZCP 35 (1976), pp. 169–171.
Suggests that Keating’s allegory on the proimpiollán (‘beetle’) in the díonbhrollach to his Forus Feasa ar Éirinn is based on an exemplum from the English fabulist and preacher, Odo of Cheriton (†1247).
2648.
Ó Dúshláine (Tadhg): Varia: III. More about Keating’s use of the dung beetle.
In ZCP 40 (1984), pp. 282–285.
Traces the developement of its figurative use. Cf. N. J. A. Williams, in ZCP 35 (1976), pp. 169-171.

proimpsheilleán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

prombarlán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

prompalán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

Prosen Water

4435.
Breeze (Andrew): Some Celtic place-names of Scotland including Arran, Carmunnock, Gogar and Water of May.
In ScotL 19 (2000), pp. 117–134.
1. The isle of Arran; 2. Carmyle, Glasgow; 3. Carmunnock, near Glasgow; 4. The river Gryfe, near Paisley; 5. Watcarrick, near Lockerbie; 6. ‘Crachoctre’, near Coldingham; 7. Gogar, near Edinburgh; 8. Two Angus place-names: Prosen Water and Aberlemno; 9. Arbirlot, near Arbroath; 10. The Water of May, near Perth.

prull

9797.
Ní Dhonnchadha (Máirín): The prull narrative in Sanas Cormaic.
In Cín chille cúile [Ó Riain essays] (2004), pp. 163–177.
Argues for an ambiguous sense of mac in the half-quatrain in the Prull narrative (ed. R. Thurneysen, v. Best2 1308).

prumparlán

1317.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 51–55.
1. conús [also conuas, conas, both < canós]; 2. froisín [< fras + ín]; 3. priompallán [also pr(o)impeallán, prompalán < Engl ‘bumble’ (= ‘bumblebee’; prombarlán, plumbarlán, primpearlán, plimpearlán, prumparlán < Engl ‘bumbler’ (= ‘bumblebee’); variants with tr(i)omp-, trump-, treamp- influenced by trompa ‘jew’s harp’; ‘etymological’ spelling proimpsheilleán derives from W. Shaw’s form priompsheillain]; 4. rumpall [< Engl ‘rumble’; cf. ‘etymological’ spelling rumptholl]; 5. *alfat ‘a cause’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707), who copied two consecutive words (al, fáth) in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662) as one word; gives rise to other variants: alfad, álfath, alfáth]; 6. *alfhalach ‘hide’ [an error traceable to E. Lhuyd (1707) for a bhfalach in R. Plunkett’s dictionary (1662); gives rise to alfalach ‘thoroughly hid’].

ptarmigan (Engl.)

3713.
Lockwood (W. B.): Ptarmigan and other Gaelic names.
In SGS 12/2 (Autumn 1976), pp. 271–278.
Bird-names: Engl. ptarmigan (< ScG tarmachan), tairmid, stearnal, amhas, asaileag, buigeir, dìrid.

púca

2254.
Ó Cearbhaill (Pádraig): An púca i logainmneacha.
In Ainm 2 (1987), pp. 96–113.

Púca

14854.
Breatnach (Deasún): Chugat an Púca.
LT, 73. Baile Átha Cliath: An Clóchomhar, 1993. 266 pp.
Rev. by
Pádraig Ó Cearbhaill, in Ainm 6 (1994-1995), pp. 132-135.
Seán Ó Curraoin, in Béaloideas 64-65 (1996-1997), pp. 377-378.

púicín

2254.
Ó Cearbhaill (Pádraig): An púca i logainmneacha.
In Ainm 2 (1987), pp. 96–113.

puinn

11709.
Watson (Seosamh): ‘Dada’ i nGaeilge na hÉireann agus na hAlban.
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 983–1008.
1. , nithinn, a bheag, cineál; 2. dada, tada, rud, neamhní, náit, puinn, se(o)id, pioc, bit, fríd, giob, luid, heat, pingin, ás, bonn, sciúrtóg, screapall; 3. dath, , ceo, seó, leus, poidhs, scaile, steama; 4. sian, seinm, guth, dùrd, focal, puth, diog, cneadadh; 5. blas, gráinne, greim, smailc, deoir; 6. cáil, cruthaitheachd, tarbha, faic(e), tap, car, fionna-feanna, folt.

púirín

1490.
de Bhaldraithe (Tomás): Nótaí ar fhocail.
In Éigse 14/4 (Geimhreadh 1972), pp. 275–282.
1. cómhrac i dtóin [and gáir faoi tholl]; 2. fochraí (an) lae [< fochroíb; cf. also forcraid, fortraid; for variation in similar clusters, cf. M. A. O’Brien, in Celtica 2/2 (1954), p. 353]; 3. feiste [‘entertainment’; feist, eisteas, feisteas; 4. crioslach [crioslaí pl.]; 5. seir; 6. paidir chapaill; 7. púirín; 8. is () luar liom [luar < lú orm]; 9. tɑ: tu: tau [togha].
O’Brien (M. A.) (ref.)

Pulprestwic

5464.
Clancy (Thomas Owen): Varia: Two Ayrshire place-names.
In JSNS 2 (2008), pp. 99–114.
Pulprestwic, Trearne.

punctum delens

2625.
Feuth (Els): Two segments or one?: nasalized voiced plosives in Old Irish.
In ZCP 39 (1982), pp. 88–95.
Argues that the nasals in three-consonant clusters or resulting from nasalization do not coalesce with a following b, d, g, and that the punctum delens is an orthographical device used regularly to denote these real clusters.

puth

11709.
Watson (Seosamh): ‘Dada’ i nGaeilge na hÉireann agus na hAlban.
In Féilscríbhinn do Chathal Ó Háinle (2012), pp. 983–1008.
1. , nithinn, a bheag, cineál; 2. dada, tada, rud, neamhní, náit, puinn, se(o)id, pioc, bit, fríd, giob, luid, heat, pingin, ás, bonn, sciúrtóg, screapall; 3. dath, , ceo, seó, leus, poidhs, scaile, steama; 4. sian, seinm, guth, dùrd, focal, puth, diog, cneadadh; 5. blas, gráinne, greim, smailc, deoir; 6. cáil, cruthaitheachd, tarbha, faic(e), tap, car, fionna-feanna, folt.