Three stages in PrimIr. apocope: 1. apocope affects word-final short front vowels (final *-n lost before *-h); 2. apocope occurs at end of phonological phrases; 3. generalisation of phrase-final apocope. Some discussion of initial mutations.
Ó Dochartaigh (Cathair): Lenition and dependency phonology.
InÉigse 17/4 (Geimhreadh, 1978–1979), pp. 457–494.
[1.] Two-gesture segmental matrix; [2.] Dependency Phonology; [3.] The lenition series in Irish; [4.] Lenition of stops; [5.] Lenition of liquids: /m/ → [ɯ̃]; [6.] Lenition of the liquids: /L N/ → [l n]; [7.] Lenition of the liquids: /R/ → [r]; [8.] Lenition of /s/; [9.] Lenition of /f/; [10.] Lenition in initial clusters; [11.] Summary.
The insertion of -n- before 3 sg. / pl. and 1 pl. possessive adjectives, usually (though not always) following prepositions ending in a vowel. Compare similar insertion of -án- in Cois Fhairrge.
1. Functional identity of cs̄, ces, cesc, and cair; 2. Origin of cair and ces; 3. ce(a)sc; 4. ní insae, ní ansae, ní hannsa; n’insae; 5. Translation, lento style, stylistic variation; 6. ce(a)st, ceist; 7. Conclusions. Incl. index of texts referred to.
vs. P. Schrijver’s view (in Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles, Maynooth 1997) of the alleged neuter i-stem forms (PC *sim > InsC *sin) of the demonstrative *so(-). Also discusses the relevance of the paradigm and derivation of ní ‘anything, something’ and na ‘any’.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
vs. P. Schrijver’s view (in Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles, Maynooth 1997) of the alleged neuter i-stem forms (PC *sim > InsC *sin) of the demonstrative *so(-). Also discusses the relevance of the paradigm and derivation of ní ‘anything, something’ and na ‘any’.
Assesses the role of Irish in the development of the negative comparative particle in English, and argues that it should be regarded as an areal feature of the languages of Ireland and the British Isles.
Assesses the role of Irish in the development of the negative comparative particle in English, and argues that it should be regarded as an areal feature of the languages of Ireland and the British Isles.
Discusses the areal distribution of two word pairs consisting of loanword and its native counterpart: 1. nàbaidh and coimhearsnach; 2. cuibheall and roth.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
1. Gníomhaí + cuspóir + ainm briathartha; 2. Nóta faoin gcónasc go/nach; 3. Beag ag cáiliú aidiachta; 4. Aidiacht ag cáiliú ainm bhriathartha; 5. An + ainm teibí + mór; 6. Tá siad comh- + ainm teibí.
Identifies its original syntactical usage and argues (with R. Thurneysen, GOI §861, vs. D. Greene, in Ériu 21 (1969), pp. 90-92) that it contains the consecutive conjunction co.
Identifies its original syntactical usage and argues (with R. Thurneysen, GOI §861, vs. D. Greene, in Ériu 21 (1969), pp. 90-92) that it contains the consecutive conjunction co.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
On the petrified survival of genitive case marking the direct object of a transitive verb: nadtairlaic don lit. ‘which has not yielded ground’ (Ml. 131b2).
naíden < noínden and the occasional development nd > d in Middle Irish, e.g. (Slíab) Monduirn > (Slíab) Moduirn, Illandon > Illadon, tindnacol > tidnacol.
I. Discusses the use of words to signify both an abstract concept and a person who embodies it, or both a collective and an individual member of the collective: cerd, dán, díberg, flaith, grád, nemed, ráth, naidm, aitire, cland, eclais, fine, muinter; II. The meaning of cétmuinter [Argues it meant ‘spouse’ and could be applied to both husband and wife].
Discusses the etymology of OIr. námae, arguing that it is a substantivized present participle of a Celtic factitive verb *nāmā-ti ‘puts (someone) in a state of fear’.
Critical edition of a late 14th c. poem (42 qq.), from MSS Siena, Biblioteca Comunale G.IX.50, London (private) Sir Con O’Neill, RIA 24 P 21, 23 M 33, 23 L 17, NLI G 430; normalized, with English translation and notes.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
pp. 60-65: surveys the system of responsive in Early and Modern Irish (including Scottish Gaelic), and argues it continues an archaic state of affairs.
Breeze (Andrew): Notes on some cruces in Middle Scots poetry: Henryson’s Bawdronis, dart oxin and bacis, Dunbar’s Strenever and Wallidrag, Gavin Douglas’s Lundeys Lufe, Threte and Treilʓeis.
naíden < noínden and the occasional development nd > d in Middle Irish, e.g. (Slíab) Monduirn > (Slíab) Moduirn, Illandon > Illadon, tindnacol > tidnacol.
1. The origins of OIr. fri ‘against’, la ‘with’; 2. The early apocope of *-i; 3. The fate of ‘new’ word-final *-t; 4. Examples of *-t(i) > -s in Old Irish; 7. The origin of the Primitive Irish main clause verbal particle *es; 8. The present conjunct forms of the Old Irish copula after *ne ‘not’; 9. Summary.
Exposes the set of rules that govern Proto-Indo-European derivational patterns involving the prefix *h1su and the adjectival *-i, which is illustrated especially by examples
of the several compounding types occurring with OIr. so-. In addition argues that the Old Irish negative prefix neb-/neph- derives from the petrified result of the prefix concatenation *ne-su- before a vowel.
ad C. Sterckx, Dieux d’eau: Apollons celtes et gaulois, Bruxelles 1996. Argues that Lug and Óengus are respectively the only apollinean divinity and the only hermaic divinity in the Celtic pantheon, while Nechtan (who can also be named Manannán and Núada) is the water-god and primordial king with healing attributes.
ad G. Dumézil, Mythe et épopée III (1973), pp. 21-89; examines the aquatic and equine motifs occurring in the dindshenchas of Bóand, and discusses their relation to the Celtic and Scandinavian mythical figure of the water-horse.
ad. E. P. Hamp, in Ériu 27 (1976) p. 1-20 [8. nantu-, nanti-]. *nent- ‘be bold, aggressive’, as in OIr. néit ‘combat, battle’, reflects an Indo-European verbal theme.
Provides a semantic study of the terms used in Irish to describe the
perceived organization of the universe, focusing on the transition
from the pagan Celtic three-fold cosmic conception of earth, sea and
sky to the Christian dichotomy of heaven and earth. Discusses in
particular material from the Blathmac poems (cf. BILL
5593).
Provides a semantic study of the terms used in Irish to describe the
perceived organization of the universe, focusing on the transition
from the pagan Celtic three-fold cosmic conception of earth, sea and
sky to the Christian dichotomy of heaven and earth. Discusses in
particular material from the Blathmac poems (cf. BILL
5593).
Craebruad does not describe a building but more likely to describe a sacred grove. Curaid na Craebruaide represents the only legitimate employment of the term craebruad. Suggests that Emain Macha may mean ‘grove of Macha’, and that emain may derive from nemain, possibly related to Irish nemed and Gaul nemeton.
Craebruad does not describe a building but more likely to describe a sacred grove. Curaid na Craebruaide represents the only legitimate employment of the term craebruad. Suggests that Emain Macha may mean ‘grove of Macha’, and that emain may derive from nemain, possibly related to Irish nemed and Gaul nemeton.
Analyses problematic readings in the Indiculus superstitionum et paganiorum, particularly dadsisas (leg. *dæsil) and nimidas which are compared with OIr. dessel and nemed respectively.
In Appendix I: [List of] nemeton place-names; Appendix II: List of nemeton-epigraphic inscriptions; Appendix III: Nemed passage from O’Mulconry’s glossary [based on ACL 1.232; with English translation].
I. Discusses the use of words to signify both an abstract concept and a person who embodies it, or both a collective and an individual member of the collective: cerd, dán, díberg, flaith, grád, nemed, ráth, naidm, aitire, cland, eclais, fine, muinter; II. The meaning of cétmuinter [Argues it meant ‘spouse’ and could be applied to both husband and wife].
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
Craebruad does not describe a building but more likely to describe a sacred grove. Curaid na Craebruaide represents the only legitimate employment of the term craebruad. Suggests that Emain Macha may mean ‘grove of Macha’, and that emain may derive from nemain, possibly related to Irish nemed and Gaul nemeton.
Analysis of content and style of devotional stanzas appended to 20 dinnshenchas poems; use of Rí, Coimdiu, Dúilem, Fer adressing the Deity. Concludes that Cuán ua Lóchán (†1024) is the author. [1.] Introduction; [2.] ‘Loch Dergderc’ (beg. Inlinnse luaidim cach lá), `Áth Luain’ (beg. A ḟir théit i mag Medba), ‘Carn Furbaide’ (beg. Atá sund Carn uí Chathbath); Saltair na Rann; [2.] ‘Cleitech’ (beg. Cleitech in druí díles daith); [3.] ‘Crechmael’ (beg. In dremsa nach duairc oc dáil); [4.] ‘Es Ruaid I’ (beg. A ḟir dodechaid atuaid); [5.] ‘Lia Nothain’ (beg. Atá sunn fo choirthe chruaid), ‘Sliab Betha’ (beg. Atchíu lecht deoraid do chéin), ‘Druim Cliab’ (beg. Sunna ro boí Caurnan cas), ‘Cerna’ (beg. Cia bem sunn 'nar suide sel), ‘Loch nÉrne’ (beg. Loch nÉrne, ard a oscur), ‘Ard Macha’ (beg. In mag imriadat ar n-eich), ‘Temair III’ (beg. Temair togha na tulach); [6.] ‘Dubthir’ (beg. Dubthir Guaire, gním dia fail), ‘Nemthenn’ (beg. Dreco ingen Chalcmaíl chruaid), ‘Mag Luirg’ (beg. Is eol dam im threbthas tó); [7.] ‘Mag Muirisce’ (beg. A ḟir a Muirisc na marc); [8.] ‘Loch Néil’ (beg. Luaidim Loch Néil, násad nglé); [9.] ‘Benn Ḟoibne’ (beg. Eol dam co soirbe sercaig); 10. The rime dil: -ḟir and ‘Mag nAí' (beg. A ḟir, dia téis i Mag nAí); [11.] A poet’s enthusiasm for his subject.
ad. E. P. Hamp, in Ériu 27 (1976) p. 1-20 [8. nantu-, nanti-]. *nent- ‘be bold, aggressive’, as in OIr. néit ‘combat, battle’, reflects an Indo-European verbal theme.
Studies the use of pseudo-archaic spelling in texts found in a handful of sixteenth-century Irish manuscripts (particularly TCD H 3. 18, Harley 5280 and RIA 23 N 10).
Exposes the set of rules that govern Proto-Indo-European derivational patterns involving the prefix *h1su and the adjectival *-i, which is illustrated especially by examples
of the several compounding types occurring with OIr. so-. In addition argues that the Old Irish negative prefix neb-/neph- derives from the petrified result of the prefix concatenation *ne-su- before a vowel.
Exposes the set of rules that govern Proto-Indo-European derivational patterns involving the prefix *h1su and the adjectival *-i, which is illustrated especially by examples
of the several compounding types occurring with OIr. so-. In addition argues that the Old Irish negative prefix neb-/neph- derives from the petrified result of the prefix concatenation *ne-su- before a vowel.
Incl. sections on [1.] Areal distribution of the forms ní and cha; [2.] Transitional zone; [3.] Emphatic use of cha; [4.] Vowel quantity in cha; [5.] Diferential use of cha and ní; [6.] Origin and spread of cha.
1. Scottish Gaelic influence [on Ulster Ir.]; 2. O’Rahilly’s theory [cf. Best² 527]; 3. Present for future in Ulster Irish; 4. Present for future in Early Irish; 5. A reconstruction of the data; 6. An alternative interpretation [cha associated with ‘informal’ style in Ulster].
1. Functional identity of cs̄, ces, cesc, and cair; 2. Origin of cair and ces; 3. ce(a)sc; 4. ní insae, ní ansae, ní hannsa; n’insae; 5. Translation, lento style, stylistic variation; 6. ce(a)st, ceist; 7. Conclusions. Incl. index of texts referred to.
vs. P. Schrijver’s view (in Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles, Maynooth 1997) of the alleged neuter i-stem forms (PC *sim > InsC *sin) of the demonstrative *so(-). Also discusses the relevance of the paradigm and derivation of ní ‘anything, something’ and na ‘any’.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
Poem dedicated to Eisibéal Ní Bhriain (†1788), by Úna Nic Cruitín; beg. A bhuime den bhród mhórdha ba rathamhail réim. Restored from Maynooth C 15, with metrical analysis, MS readings and notes.
[1.] On the use of indefinite nouns with time reference as adverbs meaning ‘over a period of …', e.g. seachtain, mí, bliain, lá, coicís in negative contexts in the Irish of An Cheathrú Rua; [2.] i leith an bóthar: on the adverbial use of the nominative of definite nouns following certain compound and nominal prepositions preceded by verbs of motion, e.g. ar aghaidh, i ngiorracht, i leith, timpeall, treasna; [3.] Tá sé ag dul Gaillimh: on the ‘elision’ of the preposition go before place-names.
Against R. Baumgarten’s attempt to derive the Connemara idiom ní mé go/an 'I don’t know, I wonder’ from early Irish, suggesting instead a connection to a comparable idiom diabhal mé found in modern Irish usage.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
On the significance of the maternal kindred in early Irish literature, as exemplified by Christ’s relationship with the Jews, Bres’s with the Túatha Dé Danann and Cú Chulainn’s with Conchobar.
Argues that reddening (imdergad) and eruption of steam (dé) are connected with an Irish hagiographical motif, and that their attribution to Niall is politically motivated.
Elegy on the death of Máire Nic Carthaigh (†1720) by Uilliam Mac Cartáin, beg. Mairg do chuala marbh a tuairisc; ed. from RIA MSS 23 D 19, 24 M 33 and 23 N 14; King’s Inns MS 6; Torna 85; NLI G 374; Maynooth M 4; and Wisconsin 180. Normalised text with metrical analysis, critical apparatus and textual notes.
Identifies its original syntactical usage and argues (with R. Thurneysen, GOI §861, vs. D. Greene, in Ériu 21 (1969), pp. 90-92) that it contains the consecutive conjunction co.
Identifies its original syntactical usage and argues (with R. Thurneysen, GOI §861, vs. D. Greene, in Ériu 21 (1969), pp. 90-92) that it contains the consecutive conjunction co.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.
Discusses other PIE parallels of ‘Act of Truth’ and cognate verbal expressions of the following four expressions: 1. Is tre ḟír flathemon ‘it is through the ruler’s truth’; 2. mortlithi (mórslóg no) márlóchet di doínib dingbatar ‘plagues, (a great host, or) great lightnings are warded off men’; 3. gáu ḟlathemon ‘ruler’s falsehood’; 4. ní[n]-aurdallat dána (support for emendation to ní-n-aurdallat anai ‘let not riches blind him’ (see F. Kelly, AM §31); 5. to- aidble éisc i sruthaib -snáither (emends to to- aidbli éisc i sruthaib -snáither ‘with abundance of fish it is swum in streams’, taking to-snáither to be an impersonal passive rather than 2nd sg. deponent (see F. Kelly, AM §20).
Repr. in Watkins selected writings II, pp. 626-643.
Discusses other PIE parallels of ‘Act of Truth’ and cognate verbal expressions of the following four expressions: 1. Is tre ḟír flathemon ‘it is through the ruler’s truth’; 2. mortlithi (mórslóg no) márlóchet di doínib dingbatar ‘plagues, (a great host, or) great lightnings are warded off men’; 3. gáu ḟlathemon ‘ruler’s falsehood’; 4. ní[n]-aurdallat dána (support for emendation to ní-n-aurdallat anai ‘let not riches blind him’ (see F. Kelly, AM §31); 5. to- aidble éisc i sruthaib -snáither (emends to to- aidbli éisc i sruthaib -snáither ‘with abundance of fish it is swum in streams’, taking to-snáither to be an impersonal passive rather than 2nd sg. deponent (see F. Kelly, AM §20).
Repr. in Watkins selected writings II, pp. 626-643.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.
ad D. Greene, in Ériu 33 (1982), pp. 163-164. Suggests a correspondence with Lat. nitrum and that sléic meant potash, as a personal detergent, and perhaps also a coloured, friable salt used as a cosmetic.
Read diún (as in MS) < *i ndiúin < *i niúin = *i neoin for deamhan in phrase ‘go raibh deamhan agus deireadh an lae ag teacht’, in Éamon a Búrc: Scéalta, ed. by P. Ó Ceannabháin (1983), pp. 48, 70.
1. Introduction; 2. Rise of nasalized allophones of short vowels; 3. The development of *nt, *nk into PrimIr. unlenited *d, *g; 4. OIr. -icc ‘comes, reaches’; 5. Loss of a nasal before a voicless fricative; 6. OIr. téit, -tét; 7. The relation of *nt, *nk > *d, *g to the rounding of vowels by a preceding labiovelar; 8. Summary; App.: The development of PrimIr. *and, *amb, *ang.
Criticises the doctrine that links Old Irish preverbs no-, to/do- with the Hittite ‘sentence connectives’ and proposes alternative etymologies based on their Basque and Amazigh typological parallels, among others.
Repr. in Ausgewählte Beiträge zur typologischen Sprachgeographie, pp. 134-155.
Part I (pp. 1-33) by J.B.: Early Irish examples of the evil eye: 1. The destructive eye [súil miledach, Birugderc, súil milltech, súil neimnech, possibly túathcháech]; 2. The angry eye [déccain aindíaraid, súil (fhéig) andíaraid]; 3. Casting the evil eye [millid, aidmillid; corrguinecht also discussed]; 4. Envy and the evil eye [for-moinethar, drochrosc, drochshúil]; 5. Protection against the evil eye. Part II (pp. 34-39) by F.K.: ‘The evil eye’ in early Irish law: a section of legal commentary (dating from around the twelfth century) attached to a four-word quotation from an Old Irish law text (No etlod tri ormath ‘Or stealing away through envy’), ed. with transl. and notes from MSS Rawlinson B 506 and TCD H 3. 18; cf. CIH i 144.34-145.5; ii 673.3-10; iii 955.1-8, 1051.17-23.
1. Scottish Gaelic influence [on Ulster Ir.]; 2. O’Rahilly’s theory [cf. Best² 527]; 3. Present for future in Ulster Irish; 4. Present for future in Early Irish; 5. A reconstruction of the data; 6. An alternative interpretation [cha associated with ‘informal’ style in Ulster].
1. Scottish Gaelic influence [on Ulster Ir.]; 2. O’Rahilly’s theory [cf. Best² 527]; 3. Present for future in Ulster Irish; 4. Present for future in Early Irish; 5. A reconstruction of the data; 6. An alternative interpretation [cha associated with ‘informal’ style in Ulster].
Identifies its original syntactical usage and argues (with R. Thurneysen, GOI §861, vs. D. Greene, in Ériu 21 (1969), pp. 90-92) that it contains the consecutive conjunction co.
naíden < noínden and the occasional development nd > d in Middle Irish, e.g. (Slíab) Monduirn > (Slíab) Moduirn, Illandon > Illadon, tindnacol > tidnacol.
ad DIL N-63.10, s. v. 2 nómad; explains the origin of the mistranslations on which the erroneous meanings ‘three days’ and ‘four-and-a-half days’ given in this entry are based.
1. Introduction; 2. Rise of nasalized allophones of short vowels; 3. The development of *nt, *nk into PrimIr. unlenited *d, *g; 4. OIr. -icc ‘comes, reaches’; 5. Loss of a nasal before a voicless fricative; 6. OIr. téit, -tét; 7. The relation of *nt, *nk > *d, *g to the rounding of vowels by a preceding labiovelar; 8. Summary; App.: The development of PrimIr. *and, *amb, *ang.
Criticises the doctrine that links Old Irish preverbs no-, to/do- with the Hittite ‘sentence connectives’ and proposes alternative etymologies based on their Basque and Amazigh typological parallels, among others.
Repr. in Ausgewählte Beiträge zur typologischen Sprachgeographie, pp. 134-155.
On the recycling by Muiris Ó Gormáin for later Lords Lieutenant of his 1763 accession poem (with English translation) for Hugh Percy, Earl of Northumberland, as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. First line Is aoibhinn dhuit, a Éire, in MSS Alnwick Castle (England), Northumberland Estates Office, Percy letters and papers, vol. 36, and Egerton 116.
OIr. líthech ‘accused person’ (cf. liïd ‘accuses’) and Lat. lı̄s, lı̄tis ‘lawsuit’; also OIr. ad ‘law’, adae ‘due, fitting, proper’, adas ‘suitable, appropriate to’ and Umbrian arsie ‘sancte’, etc; OIr. coll ‘injury, violation’ and Lat. culpa ‘blame’; cf. *-din- in trédenus ‘three days’ and Lat. nundinum ‘nine days’.
The particles used in the formation of the periphrastic comparative in all varieties of E Gaelic derive from a common source: pres. nas < OIr. a n-as; past/cond. na ba < < OIr. a mba.