[1.] Focail áirithe i gcomhardadh (é, í, mac, Íosa, Críost); [2.] Bá. Part II in Éigse 14/4 (1972), pp. 265-68; part III in Éigse 15/2 (1973), pp. 89-92.
[1.] Focail árithe i gcomhardadh (sé:é, sí:í, etc.); [2.] Droichead uama. Part [I] in Éigse 14/3 (1972), pp. 207-214; part III in Éigse 15/2 (1973), pp. 89-92.
Argues that the declension of the oblique cases of the OIr.
ā-stems can be derived regularly from Indo-European
with the intervention of the analogical spread to the nominal
inflection of an extended stem in *-osiā- based on the forms here postulated for the accusative, genitive and dative of the 3rd sg. fem. demonstrative pronoun.
Based on the speech of one houselhold in Na Machaireacha, Gaoth Dobhair, Donegal: 1. -/xʹə/ in 3 sg. fem. and -/fə/ in 3 pl. forms of the compound preposition i ndéidh, e.g. ina déidh-che ‘after her’, ina ndéidh-fa ‘after them’; 2. é féin following 3 sg. masc. prepositional pronouns; 3. Generalisation of ina sheasamh, ina shuí, etc. with every person; 4. Variation in article between an and an t- with masc. nouns beg. with s- in the nom. sg. (e.g. an tsiopa) and also with masc. nouns beg. with a vowel in nom. sg. and when preceded by a preposition (e.g. an airgead, ar an t-éadan); 5. ag goil + vn + object pronoun; 6. The direct in place of the indirect relative particle; 7. más mó … más fearr.
ad B. Ó Cuív 1951, Irish dialects and Irish-speaking districts (BILL 1240). Reexamines the grammatical features that traditionally have justified the linguistic divide between Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It is argued that the differences between the transitional dialects of NE Ireland and SW Scotland never prevented mutual intellegibility.
ad B. Ó Cuív 1951, Irish dialects and Irish-speaking districts (BILL 1240). Reexamines the grammatical features that traditionally have justified the linguistic divide between Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It is argued that the differences between the transitional dialects of NE Ireland and SW Scotland never prevented mutual intellegibility.
Song beg. A Phádraig Sáirséal, slán go dtí thú. [1.] Seán Ó Dálaigh [ob. 1878] agus an “Nation” ; [2.] An t-aistriúchán a rinne Mangan; [3.] Leagan Uí Dhálaigh curtha go Luimneach; [4.] An rann nár aistrigh Mangan; [5.] An leagan den amhrán a fuair Ó Comhraí [beg. Is baintreabhach bhocht misi, a d’fhág Dia breóidhte; ed. from MS UCD O’Curry 14]; [6.] Macalla dáin ó aimsir Shéamuis; [7.] An tagairt d’Eachraim; [8.] Dhá rann bhunúsacha; [9.] Na leaganacha Ultacha; [10.] Suim ag Ó Dálaigh i nDán Dhiarmada mhic Sheáin Bhuí; [11.] Lorg an Bhéarla.
Based on the speech of one houselhold in Na Machaireacha, Gaoth Dobhair, Donegal: 1. -/xʹə/ in 3 sg. fem. and -/fə/ in 3 pl. forms of the compound preposition i ndéidh, e.g. ina déidh-che ‘after her’, ina ndéidh-fa ‘after them’; 2. é féin following 3 sg. masc. prepositional pronouns; 3. Generalisation of ina sheasamh, ina shuí, etc. with every person; 4. Variation in article between an and an t- with masc. nouns beg. with s- in the nom. sg. (e.g. an tsiopa) and also with masc. nouns beg. with a vowel in nom. sg. and when preceded by a preposition (e.g. an airgead, ar an t-éadan); 5. ag goil + vn + object pronoun; 6. The direct in place of the indirect relative particle; 7. más mó … más fearr.
On the analogical spread of certain verbal endings, some of which gain independent pronominal status, e.g. -(e)as (1 sg.); -(a)is, -(a)inns, -(a)ir, -tí, -f(a)í (2 sg.); (-)mar, -(e)amuid, -muis(t) (1 pl.); (-)dar, -(a)id, -dís(t) (3 pl.); -f(e)á, -tf(a)í (impers.); -f(e)ar, -(e)adh, -(e)as (impers.) with irregular verbs; -t(e)ars, -th(e)ars, -f(e)ars (impers.).
Searches the annals for references to: 1. The daimliag [the bishop’s stone church]; 2. The dairthech [timber church possibly on same site as later O’Kelly’s church]; 3. Eaglais Beag [identified with Temple Ciarán].
On the analogical spread of certain verbal endings, some of which gain independent pronominal status, e.g. -(e)as (1 sg.); -(a)is, -(a)inns, -(a)ir, -tí, -f(a)í (2 sg.); (-)mar, -(e)amuid, -muis(t) (1 pl.); (-)dar, -(a)id, -dís(t) (3 pl.); -f(e)á, -tf(a)í (impers.); -f(e)ar, -(e)adh, -(e)as (impers.) with irregular verbs; -t(e)ars, -th(e)ars, -f(e)ars (impers.).
Expands on B. Ó Buachalla, Aodh Eanghach and the Irish king-hero, in FS Carney, pp. 200-232. Discusses the motif of the ‘inclination of Tara’, resulting from the collapse of one side of the royal fortress at Tara during the reign of Lugaid mac Con as a punishment for unjust rule.
The families: Mac Ailín: ‘Mac Allen’, Mac Callion, Campbell;
Mac an Bhaird: ‘Macaward’, Ward; Mac Carmaic, Mac Cormaic: MacCormick;
Mac Colgan: Mac Colgan;
Mac Conghail: MacGonigle, Magonigle;
Mac Daibhid: MacDevitt, MacDaid;
Mac Duinnshléibhe, Mac an Ultaigh, Ultach: Donleavy, MacNulty, Ultagh;
Mac Giolla Bhrighde: ‘McKilbridey’, MacBride;
Mac Giolla Easpaig: Gillespie;
Mac Lochlainn: MacLaughlin, MacLoughlin;
Mac Niallghuis: MacNelis, ‘McEnellis’;
Mac Robhartaigh: Magroarty;
Mac Suibhne: MacSweeney;
Ó Baoighill: O Boyle;
Ó Breisléin: O Breslin, Bryce;
Ó Brolcháin: O Brillaghan, Bradley;
Ó Canannáin: O Cannon, Canning;
Ó Cléirigh: O Clery, Clarke;
Ó Dochartaigh: O Dogherty;
Ó Dubhthaigh: O Duffy;
Ó Duibh Dhíorma: O Dooyeearma, MacDermot;
Ó hEarcáin: O Harkin;
Ó Firghil: O Friel;
Ó Gairmleadhaigh: O Gormley;
Ó Gallchobhair: O Gallagher;
Ó Maoil Doraidh: O Mulderry;
Ó Maoil Fhábhaill: O Mulfail, Faul, MacFaul;
Ó Maoil Mhoichéirghe: ‘O Mulmogheery’, Early;
Ó Muirgheasáin: O Morrison, Bryson;
Ó Robhartaigh: O Roarty;.
On the analogical spread of certain verbal endings, some of which gain independent pronominal status, e.g. -(e)as (1 sg.); -(a)is, -(a)inns, -(a)ir, -tí, -f(a)í (2 sg.); (-)mar, -(e)amuid, -muis(t) (1 pl.); (-)dar, -(a)id, -dís(t) (3 pl.); -f(e)á, -tf(a)í (impers.); -f(e)ar, -(e)adh, -(e)as (impers.) with irregular verbs; -t(e)ars, -th(e)ars, -f(e)ars (impers.).
On the analogical spread of certain verbal endings, some of which gain independent pronominal status, e.g. -(e)as (1 sg.); -(a)is, -(a)inns, -(a)ir, -tí, -f(a)í (2 sg.); (-)mar, -(e)amuid, -muis(t) (1 pl.); (-)dar, -(a)id, -dís(t) (3 pl.); -f(e)á, -tf(a)í (impers.); -f(e)ar, -(e)adh, -(e)as (impers.) with irregular verbs; -t(e)ars, -th(e)ars, -f(e)ars (impers.).
Examines the usage of names of illnesses and diseases occurring in the text of Bethada náem nÉrenn: 1. amlabar, bacach, bodhar, clamhdall, lobhar; 2. aillse, fiolun fionn, easbadha, cuthach; scamach, lirach, moirtin marbh, bás obann, ifreann; esláinte theinntidhe, galar cos, demhan.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.
Discusses the idiomatic use of copula + marb ‘to die’ (as oppposed to the stative use of copula + predicative marb ‘he is dead’) and argues that it occurs in tenses other than the preterite, except in case of omission of the copula, where the idiom is
confined to the past tense. Includes a collection of examples and a brief account of its substitution by competing idioms such as téit bás, téit éc, fuair bás.
Studies the etymology and semantics of Irish expressions denoting ‘death’ as occurring in the texts, with the aim of retrieving the Celtic attitudes towards death.
att-ba is a compound of att ‘swelling’ and ba ‘death’; éc at(t)bai ‘death by tumour’; other compounds with bath ‘death, destruction’ or ba ‘death’ as second elements.
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).
Discusses the semantic change (need >) lack >
desire in (II) Irish (díth, dígbál (> mod. díobháil), feidhm, do-esta (> mod. teastuighidh), atá …ó, oireann …do, (III) Manx (laccal, feme), and (IV) Scottish Gaelic (tha …a dhìth air …, is e a tha bho …).
ad G. Dumézil, Mythe et épopée III (1973), pp. 21-89; examines the aquatic and equine motifs occurring in the dindshenchas of Bóand, and discusses their relation to the Celtic and Scandinavian mythical figure of the water-horse.
Argues that the earliest Echternach codices were strongly influenced by Irish scribal tradition. Rath Melsigi (identified as Clonmelsh, Co. Carlow), mentioned by Bede, is suggested as training ground for Willibrord’s mission to Frisia. Uuictberct, an Anglo-Saxon scholar, is identified with Ichtbricht on the witness list of Cáin Adomnáin. Posits a reference to Druim Léas (Drumlease, Co. Leitrim) in the Calendar of Willibrord. Incl. app. ‘Some field monuments in the townlands of Clonmelsh and Garryhundon, Co. Carlow’, pp. 43-49 by Thomas Fanning. Cf. K. Murphy, in Peritia 8 (1994), p. 169.
Repr. in D. Ó Cróinín, Early Irish history and chronology, pp. 145-172.
Studies the occurrence of the following terms: oratorium; dairthech; damliac; teampall, templum; eclais; erdamh, airdam; taigi aernaighi; cell, civitas; recles.
I. Discusses the use of words to signify both an abstract concept and a person who embodies it, or both a collective and an individual member of the collective: cerd, dán, díberg, flaith, grád, nemed, ráth, naidm, aitire, cland, eclais, fine, muinter; II. The meaning of cétmuinter [Argues it meant ‘spouse’ and could be applied to both husband and wife].
Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.
On the influence of Ailerán’s poem on the elaboration of the arcaded canon tables in the Book of Kells. Includes an excursus on the professional status of scribes.
(a) *fo·aisci, do·fāisce: ad J. Carney's discussion of fásc ‘announcement’ and tásc ‘tidings received’, in Ériu 18 (1958), p. 34 (cf. BILL 5527); (b) tinchosc, tecosc: more on derivatives of sechid, including écosc; (c) sich ‘said’: ad J. Carney, ibid., p. 14 §13c, read sích.
Argues that the distinction between between primary and subordinate nations was developed by the author of the Irish Sex aetates mundi in order to account for the existence of more than the canonical seventy-two nations mentioned in Genesis, prímchenéla (or cenéla écsamla) being those created at the Tower of Babel, and fochenéla those created afterwards from the older ones and not possessing their own language.
Suggests the presence of a ‘connector’ particle (a neuter pronominal form *ed) as an explanation for non-lenition following certain preverbs in compound verbs. Also considers the derivation of certain absolute endings of simple verbs from verb + *ed.
Discusses the etym. of (I) OIr. ed ‘space, distance, interval, etc.' and related ined (later inad) ‘place, spot, position, etc.', and id ‘withe, fetter, etc.', all from basic PIE root *ped- ‘foot’; and argues against C. Marstrander (in BILL: 1471) that achad and machad are compounds of an s-stem with a second element *-edo- from the above-mentioned PIE root.
Revised by the author in ZCP 44 (1991), pp. 74-75.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.
Discussion of ia in unstressed syllables in OIr., including disyllabic forms in ïa, e.g. in verbal forms foídiam, égthiar, dringthiar, rigthier; also discusses relationship between -bïad and -betis of the substantive verb.
Discusses is ed mod, is ing, is ar éigin ‘scarcely, hardly’, and is obair ‘it is hard, difficult’. Suggests that ModIr. fhóbair, (fh)obair ‘almost’ represents a confusion of impersonal verb fóbair and use of obair replacing earlier mod.
Study based on 11 linguistic features: 1. Treatment of initial sr; 2. Treatment of postvocalic broad rt; 3. Treatment of stressed a before original long m; 4. Treatment of Old Irish -ig; 5. Treatment of postvocalic broad mh + consonant; 6. Gu robh math agad normal for ‘thank you’; 7. A’ tabhann normal for ‘barking of dog’; 8. Mothaich verb normally used for ‘feel’; 9. Drùin verb normally used for ‘close’; 10. Ballan normal for ‘cow’s teat’; 11. Ag èireachd.
Argues that CF was composed in Connacht, the Fionntrágha alluded to being Tráigh Eothaile in Co. Sligo, and that the narrative reflects Irish politics (esp. those concerning the Ó Domhnaill lords and their Clann Suibhne mercenaries) contemporary with its earliest MS witness.
Study based on 11 linguistic features: 1. Treatment of initial sr; 2. Treatment of postvocalic broad rt; 3. Treatment of stressed a before original long m; 4. Treatment of Old Irish -ig; 5. Treatment of postvocalic broad mh + consonant; 6. Gu robh math agad normal for ‘thank you’; 7. A’ tabhann normal for ‘barking of dog’; 8. Mothaich verb normally used for ‘feel’; 9. Drùin verb normally used for ‘close’; 10. Ballan normal for ‘cow’s teat’; 11. Ag èireachd.
Study based on 11 linguistic features: 1. Treatment of initial sr; 2. Treatment of postvocalic broad rt; 3. Treatment of stressed a before original long m; 4. Treatment of Old Irish -ig; 5. Treatment of postvocalic broad mh + consonant; 6. Gu robh math agad normal for ‘thank you’; 7. A’ tabhann normal for ‘barking of dog’; 8. Mothaich verb normally used for ‘feel’; 9. Drùin verb normally used for ‘close’; 10. Ballan normal for ‘cow’s teat’; 11. Ag èireachd.
Analyses the ‘speech’ of Clann Tomáis in Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis, Táin bó Geanainn and Lucht na Simléirí. Includes sections on 1. Focail dar críoch éis; 2. Siombalachas fuaime; Béarlagair léannta, e.g. mac ar muin, ceann fa eite, plaic fa chuim, méar fá bhróig, bróg fá shop, ceanar fá iris.
Includes edition of four legal passages: A = CIH vi 2076.21-2079.36 (with variant readings from other MSS); B = CIH vi 2029.31-34; C a composite text reconstructed on the basis of the commentaries to text A; D = CIH iii 1136.1-8 from Bretha nemed dédenach. Selected glosses and commentaries supplied in English translation in Appendix: CIH i 133.26-135.18; CIH vi 1934.31-38; CIH vi 2076.21-2084.2.
Focuses on nineteen distinctive features of the Strathspey dialect:
1. Dropping of final unstressed vowel; 2. Dropping of vowel in -as ending; 3. Dropping of -adh ending; 4. He/it (m) (emphatic form) [ScG eise]; 5. They (pronunciation) [ScG aid]; 6. Independent future ending [-(e)as]; 7 & 8: Preaspiration; 9. Breaking of long é; 10. bh vocalized to u; 11. Final slender nn pronounced as ng; 12. Broad s becomes z (when preceded by n); 13. f becomes b (when preceded by m; 14. Playing [ScG. a’ cluich]; 15. Children [ScG cloinn]; 16. Down(wards) [ScG a-bhàn]; 17. East(wards) and west(wards) [ScG sìos, suas]; 18. (Fresh) water [bùrn]; 19. Boy [ScG praitseach].
ad line 163 as ed. by E. Knott 1936 (Best² 1166). Emends ní mise didiu éiside to ní mise didiu eisedar ‘it is not I who ask’ based on reading of MS TCD H 2.16 (Yellow Book of Lecan).
ad line 163 as ed. by E. Knott 1936 (Best² 1166). Emends ní mise didiu éiside to ní mise didiu eisedar ‘it is not I who ask’ based on reading of MS TCD H 2.16 (Yellow Book of Lecan).
1. cómhrac i dtóin [and gáir faoi tholl]; 2. fochraí (an) lae [< fochroíb; cf. also forcraid, fortraid; for variation in similar clusters, cf. M. A. O’Brien, in Celtica 2/2 (1954), p. 353]; 3. feiste [‘entertainment’; feist, eisteas, feisteas; 4. crioslach [crioslaí pl.]; 5. seir; 6. paidir chapaill; 7. púirín; 8. is (ní) luar liom [luar < lú orm]; 9. tɑ: tu: tau [togha].
*e(p)i- in é(i)thech (with same base as díthech and fre(i)tech); *eti- in e(i)tech; óL < *au and *apo > *ao; OIr. ind-, imbL, íar(m-), ol, sech, coh, doL, ro (idiosyncratic) related to L pro-sum.
*e(p)i- in é(i)thech (with same base as díthech and fre(i)tech); *eti- in e(i)tech; óL < *au and *apo > *ao; OIr. ind-, imbL, íar(m-), ol, sech, coh, doL, ro (idiosyncratic) related to L pro-sum.
Argues that the figure underlying Eithne in Gubai wife of Cú Chulainn in recension B of Serglige Con Chulainn is the goddess Bóand (also surfacing as Ben in Gobann associated with the Boyne tumuli).
Argues that the figure underlying Eithne in Gubai wife of Cú Chulainn in recension B of Serglige Con Chulainn is the goddess Bóand (also surfacing as Ben in Gobann associated with the Boyne tumuli).
1. ECLOGA dans le Glossaire de Cormac [gloss. elada]. 3. Les gloses irlandaises à Philargyrius [Explanatio A and B (cf. Thes. II, pp. 46-48 and 360-363), edited from MSS Paris, BNF Latin 11308 and Latin 7960, and MS Firenze, Laurentian Pluteus 45, 14; with commentary].
ad C. Sterckx, Dieux d’eau: Apollons celtes et gaulois, Bruxelles 1996. Argues that Lug and Óengus are respectively the only apollinean divinity and the only hermaic divinity in the Celtic pantheon, while Nechtan (who can also be named Manannán and Núada) is the water-god and primordial king with healing attributes.
Argues that the abgitorias and elementa that St. Patrick is said by Tírechán to have written are best taken as meaning ‘guides to monastic life’, comparable to OIr. aibgitir in Apgitir Chrábaid.
Discusses the continuation in Insular Celtic of the PIE nasal presents made to roots in final laryngeal (exemplified by OIr. sernaid, ernaid, marnaid, ·cella, ·ella, -t·baill, ·gnin).
Reproduces a letter dated 24 April 1835 written by John O’Donovan, commenting on the description of Emain in John Colgan’s Acta Triadis Thaumaturgae (1647).
Offers a new analysis of Noínden Ulad and of the legend of Macha Mongrúad, and argues that of the four female characters called Macha in early Irish literature, only Macha Mongrúad and Macha, daughter of Ernmas, are genuine in the tradition, while Macha, wife of Nemed, and Macha, wife of Cruinniuc, are late literary inventions.
Provides an overview of the debate about the origin of the name, its place in medieval historical sources, and its representation in early Irish literature.
Presents and discusses evidence from the Ulster tales that touches upon the landscape of Emain Macha (arranged by type of feature, with references), concluding that much of the description is imaginary and bears no relation to the actual site.
Discusses the episode of Patrick and Dáire and suggests that Armagh was chosen as primatial see because of its importance as druidic centre. vs. R. Sharpe, St. Patrick and the See of Armagh, in CMCS 4 (Winter, 1982), pp. 33–59.
Craebruad does not describe a building but more likely to describe a sacred grove. Curaid na Craebruaide represents the only legitimate employment of the term craebruad. Suggests that Emain Macha may mean ‘grove of Macha’, and that emain may derive from nemain, possibly related to Irish nemed and Gaul nemeton.
1. Two legends of Emain Macha: (1) Cess (or Noínden) Ulad; (2) The founding of Emain Macha by Macha Mongruad ; 2. TE [Tochmarc Emire] and the Dinnshenchas: (1) Conflicting views of Thurneysen and Gwynn; (2) A Dinnshenchas poem on the Boyne; (3) Other parts of the ‘riddling dialogue’; (4) A direct reference to TE in a Dinnshenchas text; 3. Cú Chulainn and the daughter of Ruad (TE §§80-4); 4. Scáthach’s prophecy for Cú Chulainn; 5. Affiliations of other LU texts: (1) Aided Nath Í; (2) Serglige Con Culainn (SCC); (3) Siaburcharpat Con Culainn (Siab. CC); (4) Immram curaig Máile Dúin; (5) Scél Tuáin meic Cairill; (6) Cethri arda in domain (‘The four quarters of the world’); 6. TBC: LU alterations and variants represented in YBL; 7. Togail brudne Da Derga (BDD); cf. Éigse 29, pp. 84-86; 8. Texts of minor tána (‘cattle raids’) lost from LU; 9. The textual tradition of the Irish Sex aetates mundi (SAM); 10. The textual history of Lebor Bretnach; 11. Scribe H’s work in two manuscripts: (1) In LU; (2) In Rawlinson B 502, ff. 1-12; 12. The probable date of scribe H: (2) ritire ‘rider, knight’; (3) Topographical glosses; 13. A reference to the Book of Dub Dá Léithe. Continued from Éigse 29 (1996), pp. 65-120.
Argues that the etymology of Emain in Noínden Ulad is first found in the second recension only; originally may have been Emain (Abhlach) as Otherworld designation; identification with Ptolemy’s Isamnion queried.
Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.
Provides list of 12 headwords from DIL, which ultimately derive from R. Kirk’s ScG glossary (1690): brúadar, búbaire, buidne, coimíadad, cuinneán, énadóir, fadban, folach, gadmuin, lidach, línán, lúadaige.
Explains énchennach as a garment that envelops the body, covered in feathers, and associated with the power of flight, and analyses the element -cenn- as ce(i)nn ‘skin, outer covering’. Also discusses parallels found in Old Norse and Old English literature.
Derives from *en-n-iyā ‘the interior’ from a possible pre-Celtic adjective *en-no- ‘inner, interior’, from preposition *en ‘in’ + adjectival suffix *-no-.
Argues that the mythological names W Gwion and Ir. Fí derive from same root as OIr. fí ‘venom, poison’; furthermore, Fer Hí (LL 27b5), rather than representing eó ‘stem, tree’ as suggested in DIL E 145.19 (s.v. 3 eó), represents the generalisation of lenited Fhí.
Includes a discussion of the etymology of the Old Irish terms blíadain, ónn uraid (MIr. innuraid), gaim, gem, gam, gaimred, errach, sam, samrad, fog(a)mar, feis, gamuin, fannall, samaisc, eórna.
vs. B. Ó Cuív, Párliament na mBan (Dublin 1952), 146; dar an eóruinn (l. 2357) ‘by the anvil’ (i.e. ‘by St. Patrick’s anvil’); eóruinn < inneoir < inneoin ‘anvil’.
1. Introduction; 2. Medial and final th [θ]; 3. Medial and final non-palatal dh [ð]; 4. Medial and final palatal dh [ðʹ]; 5. The stop shift; 6. The epenthetic vowel; [7.] Conclusion.
*e(p)i- in é(i)thech (with same base as díthech and fre(i)tech); *eti- in e(i)tech; óL < *au and *apo > *ao; OIr. ind-, imbL, íar(m-), ol, sech, coh, doL, ro (idiosyncratic) related to L pro-sum.
Examines the references to the Franks in St. Patrick’s Epistula and argues that the events mentioned in it agree with a suggested composition date of 482×486, thus preferring the late obit of Patrick (in 492 or 493).
Argues that OIr. erbaid continues a Celt. primary verb *erb-e/o- derived from a PIE root *h1erbh- ‘bequeath’ to which OIr. orb and orbae are morphologically related.
Studies the occurrence of the following terms: oratorium; dairthech; damliac; teampall, templum; eclais; erdamh, airdam; taigi aernaighi; cell, civitas; recles.
ad §12 (as ed. by L. Bieler 1979 [The Patrician texts in the Book of Armagh]); erdathe is interpreted as the gen. sg. of erdath, derived from PC *-dātū, containing the PIE root *dhu̯eh2- ‘to make smoke’.
ad §12 (as ed. by L. Bieler 1979 [The Patrician texts in the Book of Armagh]); erdathe is interpreted as the gen. sg. of erdath, derived from PC *-dātū, containing the PIE root *dhu̯eh2- ‘to make smoke’.
Edits a passage on the eight parts of a mill from the tract De ceithri slichtaib athgabála, beg. Im ocht mbullu ara-fognat muilenn (CIH ii 374.19-20, etc.); with English translation, textual notes and a vocabulary list.
Poem beg. Ísucán / alar limm im dísertán, ed. with English translation and notes from MSS RIA 23 P 16 (Leabhar Breac), Brussels 5100–04, RIA 23 P 2 (Book of Lecan), Franciscan A 7, Laud Misc. 610, RIA 23 P 3. Emphasises legal force of the text, with discussion of legal metaphors and terms such as ernaid, sochor, doérrathaig.
In the light of Gallo-Greek ειωρου (preferred to Gallo-Latin ieuru), derives OIr. pret. -ír < *iyor- < *eyor- < *pepor-, and argues that ernaid and renaid are both < PIE * per- but differentiated by an enlargement -h3- and -h1-, respectively.
Discusses the continuation in Insular Celtic of the PIE nasal presents made to roots in final laryngeal (exemplified by OIr. sernaid, ernaid, marnaid, ·cella, ·ella, -t·baill, ·gnin).
Includes a discussion of the etymology of the Old Irish terms blíadain, ónn uraid (MIr. innuraid), gaim, gem, gam, gaimred, errach, sam, samrad, fog(a)mar, feis, gamuin, fannall, samaisc, eórna.
Discusses the phrases signa diabolica and stigmatibus malignis occurring in Vita prima Sanctae Brigitae, as well as other references to tattoos in early Irish literature.
Takes LL’s reading fairrend in q. 2 of Cú Chulainn and Láeg’s laíd as a form of errend ‘mark’ rather than of foirrind ‘spear-point’, and offers a revision of Wh. Stokes translation (in RC 14.423 §39).
An analysis of the two versions of the prose dindshenchas relating to Irarus. Supplies semidiplomatic edition of the Rennes and LL texts, with variants from H 3. 3 and the Book of Lecan. Includes a discussion of the obscure word erus.
1. The evidence of the recently discovered Celtiberian inscription of Botorrita; 2. The absence of *(e)s in the Irish responsive and imperative and legal formulae.
1. The origins of OIr. fri ‘against’, la ‘with’; 2. The early apocope of *-i; 3. The fate of ‘new’ word-final *-t; 4. Examples of *-t(i) > -s in Old Irish; 7. The origin of the Primitive Irish main clause verbal particle *es; 8. The present conjunct forms of the Old Irish copula after *ne ‘not’; 9. Summary.
vs. P. Schrijver's affirmative sentence particle (*es < *et < *eti) theory, in Ériu 45 (1994), 151–189, and Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles (Maynooth 1997).
Analysis of content and style of devotional stanzas appended to 20 dinnshenchas poems; use of Rí, Coimdiu, Dúilem, Fer adressing the Deity. Concludes that Cuán ua Lóchán (†1024) is the author. [1.] Introduction; [2.] ‘Loch Dergderc’ (beg. Inlinnse luaidim cach lá), `Áth Luain’ (beg. A ḟir théit i mag Medba), ‘Carn Furbaide’ (beg. Atá sund Carn uí Chathbath); Saltair na Rann; [2.] ‘Cleitech’ (beg. Cleitech in druí díles daith); [3.] ‘Crechmael’ (beg. In dremsa nach duairc oc dáil); [4.] ‘Es Ruaid I’ (beg. A ḟir dodechaid atuaid); [5.] ‘Lia Nothain’ (beg. Atá sunn fo choirthe chruaid), ‘Sliab Betha’ (beg. Atchíu lecht deoraid do chéin), ‘Druim Cliab’ (beg. Sunna ro boí Caurnan cas), ‘Cerna’ (beg. Cia bem sunn 'nar suide sel), ‘Loch nÉrne’ (beg. Loch nÉrne, ard a oscur), ‘Ard Macha’ (beg. In mag imriadat ar n-eich), ‘Temair III’ (beg. Temair togha na tulach); [6.] ‘Dubthir’ (beg. Dubthir Guaire, gním dia fail), ‘Nemthenn’ (beg. Dreco ingen Chalcmaíl chruaid), ‘Mag Luirg’ (beg. Is eol dam im threbthas tó); [7.] ‘Mag Muirisce’ (beg. A ḟir a Muirisc na marc); [8.] ‘Loch Néil’ (beg. Luaidim Loch Néil, násad nglé); [9.] ‘Benn Ḟoibne’ (beg. Eol dam co soirbe sercaig); 10. The rime dil: -ḟir and ‘Mag nAí' (beg. A ḟir, dia téis i Mag nAí); [11.] A poet’s enthusiasm for his subject.
Examines the usage of names of illnesses and diseases occurring in the text of Bethada náem nÉrenn: 1. amlabar, bacach, bodhar, clamhdall, lobhar; 2. aillse, fiolun fionn, easbadha, cuthach; scamach, lirach, moirtin marbh, bás obann, ifreann; esláinte theinntidhe, galar cos, demhan.
1. The Harrowing of Hell (see W. Gillies, in Celtica 13 (1980), 32-55. There is a third copy in the earlier (fourteenth-century) manuscript Rawlinson B 486.); 2. Etymology of étáil (Support for the author’s suggestion that étáil is a secondary form of the vn of ad-cota; see B. Ó Cuív, in Celtica 13 (1980), pp. 125-145 (esp. 142 ff.).).
1. Introduction: the third palatalisation and proposed exceptions; 2. Miscuis ‘hatred’ and accuis ‘cause’; 3. Velarisation of consonants; 4. Other evidence: the copula; 5. Summary. In Appendix: The distribution of forms of etar ‘between’.
Offers an account of the manuscript tradition of the two OIr. verbal paradigms therein (Calder 1917 ll. 650-655 and 3353-3357), as well as some comments on its possible sources.
*e(p)i- in é(i)thech (with same base as díthech and fre(i)tech); *eti- in e(i)tech; óL < *au and *apo > *ao; OIr. ind-, imbL, íar(m-), ol, sech, coh, doL, ro (idiosyncratic) related to L pro-sum.
Discussion of Adomnán’s terms for physical features of monasteries. [1.] The monastery (e.g. Lat. monasterium, cenubium, cella, cellula, ec(c)lesia); [2.] The church and cemetery (e.g. Lat. ec(c)lesia, oratorium, exedra (cf. ? Ir. airdam), cubiculum); [3.] The domestic buildings (e.g. Lat. monasterium, magna domus, domus, domucula, hospitium / hospitiolum, habitaculum, lectulus); [4.] The plate(ol)a monasterii; [5.] Desertum and peregrinatio (e.g. desertum (> OIr. dísert), herimum).