Words and Proper Names

Derives the f-future from *bhwā. Also discusses the changes f > β, β > f.

Discusses variation between initial b- and m-, and prosthetic s-.

The first element of Máire Muire in Nils Holmer 1942 (BILL 2786) is to be interpreted as akin to ScG ban-rìgh.

Review article of: Latin and the vernacular languages in early medieval Britain, ed. by Nicholas Brooks (Leicester: University Press, 1982). Incl. sections on: [1.] The behaviour of loanwords; [2.] The dating of loanwords; [3.] Intervocalic /b/ and /w/; [4.] Quality and quantity in the vowel systems.

att-ba is a compound of att ‘swelling’ and ba ‘death’; éc at(t)bai ‘death by tumour’; other compounds with bath ‘death, destruction’ or ba ‘death’ as second elements.

Discusses the idiomatic use of copula + marb ‘to die’ (as oppposed to the stative use of copula + predicative marb ‘he is dead’) and argues that it occurs in tenses other than the preterite, except in case of omission of the copula, where the idiom is confined to the past tense. Includes a collection of examples and a brief account of its substitution by competing idioms such as téit bás, téit éc, fuair bás.

AU² ad annum 775.12; explains conbadh as ‘rabies’.

1. Roinnt focal in -éad; 2. Dhá fhocal in -ús; 3. vardrús agus faithlios; 4. bab/bob; 5. lúmanaí; 6. raiclín; 7. Cúig ainm bhriathartha in -áil (siobáil, raitleáil, babáil, cuileáil, fraeicsáil); 8. gaillseach < gaibhlseach; 9. locáiste.

1. Roinnt focal in -éad; 2. Dhá fhocal in -ús; 3. vardrús agus faithlios; 4. bab/bob; 5. lúmanaí; 6. raiclín; 7. Cúig ainm bhriathartha in -áil (siobáil, raitleáil, babáil, cuileáil, fraeicsáil); 8. gaillseach < gaibhlseach; 9. locáiste.

Discusses the use of 24 interjections, presented in alphabetical order.

Examines the portrayal of beggars in English and Irish language sources.

Examines the usage of names of illnesses and diseases occurring in the text of Bethada náem nÉrenn: 1. amlabar, bacach, bodhar, clamhdall, lobhar; 2. aillse, fiolun fionn, easbadha, cuthach; scamach, lirach, moirtin marbh, bás obann, ifreann; esláinte theinntidhe, galar cos, demhan.

On some of the incorrect and misleading meanings in Irish and Scottish dictionaries derived from glosses in Míchéal Ó Cléirigh’s dictionary, Focloir no Sanasan Nua (1643). 1. acht ‘danger’; 2. ailcith ‘a strand stone’; 3. aincheas ‘danger’; 4. aineach ‘horsemanship’; 5. airmid ‘a swan’; 6. aitheallach ‘a second proof’; 7. aithréos ‘manure’; 8. ala(dh) ‘a trout’; 9. argad ‘a hindrance’; 10. bacat ‘a captive’; 11. béim ‘a nation’; 12. coibhchiogh ‘ravenous, fierce’; 13. coichmhe ‘an udder’; 14. díchealtair ‘a park’; 15. fé fiadha ‘a park’; 16. fec ‘a weakness’; 17. feothán ‘a dormouse’; 18. glinn, grinn ‘a fort’, ‘a garrison’; 19. meirceann ‘a finger’; 20. rae ‘a salmon’; 21. rear ‘provision’; 22. samhlat ‘active’; 23. sithbhe ‘a city’; 24. soma ‘a flock of swans’; 25. talchara ‘a generous lover’; 26. tealgadh ‘eating, consuming’; 27. urghais ‘suppression of antiquities’.

Attempts to identify various epidemic diseases recorded in the Irish annals, ad 540–795: blefed, buide chonnaill (or crón chonnaill), samthrosc, bolgach, baccach, riuth fola, scamach.

Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

Account of the three Machas: Macha the wife of Nemed mac Agnomain, Macha Mongruad and Macha the wife of Cruinn mac Agnomain.

Discusses the figure of the Bodb in early Irish literature.

Surveys the evidence of Irish literary texts for female divinities associated with warfare and death (specifically the Mórrígan, Badb and Macha triad).

Annexes: III. Notices étymologiques: 1. Mórrígan, Mórrígu; 2. Bodb, Badb, gaul. Cathubodua; 3. Nemain; 4. Irl. Nét, celt. cont. Neto, gaul. Nantosuelta; 5. Tethra; 6. Cruinn, Cruinniuc, Crunnchu; 7. Macha; 8. Bran, fiach, fennóg; 9. Ces Ulad et Noínden Ulad.

Earliest recension of story of Cormac son of Tadhg mac Céin and the badgers (occurring under the lemma Gaileng in Sanas Cormaic), ed. with Engl. transl. and notes from MSS RIA D ii 1 (Book of Uí Mhaine), TCD 1318 (H 2.16; YBL), RIA 23 P 16 (Leabhar Breac). Story reflects a dietary taboo based on older original meaning of tadhg ‘badger’.

Appendix: The evidence for a Gaelic etymology.

I. ceimesdin/cemeas [Corm. LB 10.31; H 3. 18, 67c36 = CIH ii 611.12 (Dúil Dromma Cetta)] ; II. ord [Corm. Y 1030]; III. minarba [Corm. Y 901]; IV. bíail [Corm. Y 126]; V. rot [Corm. Y 1120]; VI. loscuirn [Corm. Y 838]; VII. bradán [Corm. Y 158]; VIII. lon [H 3. 18, 76a36 = CIH ii 622.31].

Examines the early Irish lists of cles and discusses the individual feats, primarily those associated with Cú Chulainn in Táin bó Cúailnge (cf. TBC 1 ll. 1714-1719): 1. ubullchless; 2. fáeborchless; 3. fáenchless; 4. cless cletenach; 5.téchtless; 6. corpchless; 7. cless caitt; 8. ích n-erred; 9. cor ndeled; 10. léim dar néib/néim; 11. filliud erred náir; 12. gái bolga; 13. bái brasse; 14. rothchless; 15. ochtarchless; 16. cless for análaib; 17. bruud gine; 18. sian caurad; 19. béim co commus; 20. táithbéim; 21. dréim fri fogaist agus agus dírgud crette fora rind co fonnadm níad náir.

On ‘rhyming jingles’, often consisting of nominalised imperatives, e.g. techt tuidecht, aig thaig, soí toí, áin tháin (ám [t]hám in LL 34840 corrupt); cf. sa(i)n cha(i)n, baí chaí, ócaib tócaib — all denoting `(quick) movement to and fro’. Some discussion of rhyming combinations of two words in ModIr.

Discusses the evidence for the existence of a verbal compound fo-bá ‘dies’ of the simple verb baïd ‘dies’ in (Early) Old Irish.

Studies the etymology and semantics of Irish expressions denoting ‘death’ as occurring in the texts, with the aim of retrieving the Celtic attitudes towards death.

ad Wb. (prima manus) 12d35. Suggests that the last segment of báeth ‘foolish’ has been reinterpreted as the agentive suffix -id.

Discusses historical and place-name evidence for the lands held by the poet to the king of Scots in the 12th and 13th centuries.

Repr. in Kinship, church and culture, pp. 283-294.

On the various uses of baile, as inferred from historical and archaeological evidence.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

Argues it means ‘rapture’ or similar, rather than ‘vision’.

ad A. Ó Maolfabhail, Logainmneacha na hÉireann. Imleabhar I. Contae Luimnigh, 1990: Baile Bheanóg, Baile an Bhrianaigh.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

Rejects the Ordnance Survey Irish version of the place name (viz Baile an Ridire) and argues that the second element is to be identified with a Welsh place name Richerid or similar.

Suggests replaced earlier Baile an Sratha Bhuí.

ad A. Ó Maolfabhail, Logainmneacha na hÉireann. Imleabhar I. Contae Luimnigh, 1990: Baile Bheanóg, Baile an Bhrianaigh.

On the various uses of baile, as inferred from historical and archaeological evidence.

Discusses the land units known as baile biataigh and baile bó in late Gaelic Ireland, using the baile biataigh of Fentonagh in modern Co. Tyrone as a case study.

Discusses the land units known as baile biataigh and baile bó in late Gaelic Ireland, using the baile biataigh of Fentonagh in modern Co. Tyrone as a case study.

On (Mac) Conaola (< Con Ghaola) and Baile Conaola (Ballyconneely, Co. Galway).

Discusses Scottish parish names containing the element baile.

Examines the names of the places granted to the church by Queen Margaret and Malcolm III [particularly Pitbauchlie, Pitliver, Pardusin and Kirkcaldy].

1. Ard Macha Bréige; 2. Kilcorway; 3. MacArt’s Fort: Ballymacarret.

Repr. from BUPNS 1/3 (Summer, 1953), pp. 54-56; [also repr. as BUPNS 1 (1955), pp. 36-37].

Ir. Baile Machaire.

On (Mac) Conaola (< Con Ghaola) and Baile Conaola (Ballyconneely, Co. Galway).

Ballykildea (Co. Clare), Ballykilladea (Co. Galway).

Ballykildea (Co. Clare), Ballykilladea (Co. Galway).

Investigates the Irish name of Collinstown, in Co. Westmeath.

Investigates the Irish name of Collinstown, in Co. Westmeath.

ad B. Ó Cuív 1951, Irish dialects and Irish-speaking districts (BILL 1240). Reexamines the grammatical features that traditionally have justified the linguistic divide between Irish and Scottish Gaelic. It is argued that the differences between the transitional dialects of NE Ireland and SW Scotland never prevented mutual intellegibility.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

Identified with Broadstown, Co. Kildare.

I. Ballycannon; II. Meenychanon; III. Cannon’s Lough; IV. Glennagannon; V. Drumcannon.

Investigates the Irish name of Collinstown, in Co. Westmeath.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

Studies the verbs bain, cuir, déan, gabh, lean, lig, tabhair, tar, téigh.

Focuses on light-verb constructions consisting of bain with the prepositions as or de.

Identifies further examples, mostly from the law-texts.

Argues it is an Irish form on Lat. Basilius.

Discusses use of terms Lat. basilica, dominicum and Ir. baislec/baislic , domnach in medieval Ireland.

Discusses use of terms Lat. basilica, dominicum and Ir. baislec/baislic , domnach in medieval Ireland.

1. Introduction; 2.0 OIr. flechud, fliuch; 2.1 OIr. bráen; 2.2 OIr. folc; 3.0 OIr. feraid flechud; MIr. ferthain; 3.1 MIr. bā̆istech; 3.2 OIr. snigid; 3.3 EModIr. silid; 4.0 ModIr.: Introduction; 4.1 Munster; 4.2 cuir as auxiliary; 4.3 Scottish Gaelic; Manx Gaelic (uisge, sileadh; fliaghey, fliaghagh, ceau). Section 4 is based mainly on LASID quests 270, 846-48, 896.

1. Tullyvin. 2. Bunclody. 3. Dromiskin. 4. Nóta breise faoi Dhíseart Diarmada. 5. Carrigaholt. 6. Ballon.

Identifies OIr. Balor (< *b^hol-Hok^wlo- ‘blind(ing) eyed’) with Óðinn’s eptihet ON bileygr ‘lame-eyed’.

OIr. balc, bolg.

AG.

Study based on 11 linguistic features: 1. Treatment of initial sr; 2. Treatment of postvocalic broad rt; 3. Treatment of stressed a before original long m; 4. Treatment of Old Irish -ig; 5. Treatment of postvocalic broad mh + consonant; 6. Gu robh math agad normal for ‘thank you’; 7. A’ tabhann normal for ‘barking of dog’; 8. Mothaich verb normally used for ‘feel’; 9. Drùin verb normally used for ‘close’; 10. Ballan normal for ‘cow’s teat’; 11. Ag èireachd.

Study based on 11 linguistic features: 1. Treatment of initial sr; 2. Treatment of postvocalic broad rt; 3. Treatment of stressed a before original long m; 4. Treatment of Old Irish -ig; 5. Treatment of postvocalic broad mh + consonant; 6. Gu robh math agad normal for ‘thank you’; 7. A’ tabhann normal for ‘barking of dog’; 8. Mothaich verb normally used for ‘feel’; 9. Drùin verb normally used for ‘close’; 10. Ballan normal for ‘cow’s teat’; 11. Ag èireachd.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

Also as element in place names: Moneygold, Lissadulta, Ballindoalty, etc.

On the identification of four cult sites associated with Mo Chellóg: Inisvickillane, Ballinrannig, Inis Labrainne (now Inch in the parish of Ballinvoher) and Cell Mo Cheallóg (now Kilmakillogue).

ad A. Ó Maolfabhail, Logainmneacha na hÉireann. Imleabhar I. Contae Luimnigh, 1990: Baile Bheanóg, Baile an Bhrianaigh.

1. Tullyvin. 2. Bunclody. 3. Dromiskin. 4. Nóta breise faoi Dhíseart Diarmada. 5. Carrigaholt. 6. Ballon.

Ballyveigh, Balyaghan, etc.

Discusses the land units known as baile biataigh and baile bó in late Gaelic Ireland, using the baile biataigh of Fentonagh in modern Co. Tyrone as a case study.

Discusses the land units known as baile biataigh and baile bó in late Gaelic Ireland, using the baile biataigh of Fentonagh in modern Co. Tyrone as a case study.

I. Ballycannon; II. Meenychanon; III. Cannon’s Lough; IV. Glennagannon; V. Drumcannon.

On (Mac) Conaola (< Con Ghaola) and Baile Conaola (Ballyconneely, Co. Galway).

Examines traditions, textual sources and topography linking the death of Conall with Ballyconnell.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

Ballykildea (Co. Clare), Ballykilladea (Co. Galway).

Ballykildea (Co. Clare), Ballykilladea (Co. Galway).

Compares and contrasts the onomastic lore connected to two fords: Ballyleague, Co. Roscommon [OIr. Áth Líac Find ], and ‘The Steps’ at Cullentragh, Co. Longford.

1. Ard Macha Bréige; 2. Kilcorway; 3. MacArt’s Fort: Ballymacarret.

Repr. from BUPNS 1/3 (Summer, 1953), pp. 54-56; [also repr. as BUPNS 1 (1955), pp. 36-37].

Repr. from BUPNS 2/1 (Spring 1954), pp. 8-10.

Repr. from BUPNS 2/1 (Spring 1954), pp. 8-10.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

Ir. Baile Machaire.

Discusses the origins and meanings of place-names in this disctrict of Co. Derry: Desertoghill, Ballynameen, Carbalintober, Crossland, Craigavole, Caulhame, Gortacloghan.

Ballyveigh, Balyaghan, etc.

1. Irl. Balor – lit. Giltinė̃ “Göttin des Todtes” ; 2. Irl. Macha – slave Mokoš'?

Offers a hypothesis that these derive from the epithets for two different archaic Indo-European divinities, referring respectively to death (Balor (< *g^wl̥-ro-s “tuant en piquant/lançant” ) and humidity or spinning (Macha < *makosi̯ā, cf. Slav. Mokoš' “divinité de l’humidité'').

Identifies OIr. Balor (< *b^hol-Hok^wlo- ‘blind(ing) eyed’) with Óðinn’s eptihet ON bileygr ‘lame-eyed’.

Rejects the Ordnance Survey Irish version of the place name (viz Baile an Ridire) and argues that the second element is to be identified with a Welsh place name Richerid or similar.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

Argues that the Munster Belach Conglais found in some sources is a literary fabrication connected with the rise of the Dál Cais.

bulga is an old compound *balu-gaisos ‘spear of mortal pain’, containing the same root as the verb at·bail(l).

Discusses historical and place-name evidence for the lands held by the poet to the king of Scots in the 12th and 13th centuries.

Repr. in Kinship, church and culture, pp. 283-294.

bambairne; cníopaire; grabaire; guilpín; (p)leota; niúide neáide; raicleach; ráilliúnach; ránaí; reanglach.

Studies the formation and meaning of abstract in -as.

Comments on the historical morphology of OIr. mucc, banb, torc.

Discusses literary and folklore references to the banb samna.

Further phonological discussion of the etymology proposed by M. A. O’Brien’s (in Best² 193 and 195).

Interprets OIr. Banba as from *ban-w-yā (< *g^wn̥(H)-w-yā, cf. W banw ‘woman, female’), and suggests that it is the Goidelic counterpart of the Celtic goddess surmised from the personal names W Banon and Gaul. Banona.

Appendix: Early forms of main names discussed (with references).

[1.] Introduction; [2.] The dubious evidence for a bánbéim of three séts; [3.] The three-sét single-symptom blow (c. AD 650?); [4.] The demise of the three-sét single-symptom blow (from c. AD 675?); [5.] The rise of the two-and-a-half-sét single-symptom blow (c. AD 697?); [6.] The early commentaries (from c. AD 1000?); [7.] Subsequent commentaries (from c. AD 1100); [8.] Later developments; [9.] Crólige cumaile and the seven-sét bandage-wound; [10.] An edition of DEF [normalised with transl. based on the various texts in CIH]; [11.] The commentaries; [12.] Legal procedure in injury cases; [12.] Dating the commentaries; [13.] The MS traditions; [14.] The complilation of MS A; [15.] The relationship between the MSS; [16.] The common material; [17.] Other sources; [18.] An edition of the commentaries to DEF [normalised with transl.]. Incl. brief index to lexical notes.

Describes how women have played the role of poets and performers despite the male predominance in the bardic system. Discusses in particular the terms ban-fhili, ban-cháinte and ban-chaínte.

Describes how women have played the role of poets and performers despite the male predominance in the bardic system. Discusses in particular the terms ban-fhili, ban-cháinte and ban-chaínte.

Appendix: Early forms of main names discussed (with references).

Describes how women have played the role of poets and performers despite the male predominance in the bardic system. Discusses in particular the terms ban-fhili, ban-cháinte and ban-chaínte.

ad MS Cambrai, Bibliothèque Municipale 679, fol. 38a17 (Thes. ii 247.2). Reading cé rucésa amended to cení césa (‘although he does not endure’) in text on white martyrdom (‘issí in bánmartre [. . .]').

I: Repr. from BUPNS 1/4 (Autumn 1953) 79-82; [also repr. as BUPNS 1 (1955), pp. 58-60.] II: Repr. from BUPNS 2/1 (Spring 1954), pp. 11-14.

Compares the imagery of the poem Leig díot t’airm, a mhacaoimh mná with some seventeenth-century ‘metaphysical’ poems. Suggests reading bannaí d’athruighthe ‘warrant for your imprisonment’ for bannaí dáirithe (DG 34, l. 4).

[1.] Analogues of the banners in Germanic and other cultures; [2.] Banners in Irish tradition outside the fian; [3.] Banners associated with the fian; [4.] The banner quatrains in later tradition (incl. names of banners, e.g. Dealbh Ghréine, Fulang Doghra, Aoincheannach, Dún Naomhtha, Lámh Dhearg, Sguab Ghábhaidh, Lóch Luinneach); [5.] Form and composition of the BDL poem [see [6.]]; [6.] Edition (Poem beg. Naoinear a chuadhm[ar] fá choill, ed. from NLS MS Adv. 72.1.37 (Dean of Lismore’s Bk); with Engl transl. and notes). Figs.

banscál ‘female warrior’ > ‘laywoman’. Also ad Líadain and Cuirithir (as ed. by K. Meyer 1902 [Best¹, p. 118]) lines 16-17.

On the reflexes of Lat. parabola in Romance and Irish (i.e. EModIr. baramhail > ModIr. barúil).

Edition of 83 compositions in the ‘literary warrant’ style.

Rev. by
Alan Harrison, in Éigse 18/2 (1981), pp. 315-319.

§1 includes a discussion of the OIr. terms fáith, fili, bard, cerd, dúan, cétal, rosc, cubaid; §5. surveys medieval Irish versification.

The arable lands [ScG achadh, dail, goirtean, gead, io(dh)lann, claigionn, losaid, etc.]; The grazing lands [ScG ailean, bàrd, blàr, cluain, innis, lòn, machair, morbhach, magh, etc.]; Animal enclosures [ScG buaile, crò, cuithe/cuidhe, etc.]; Transhumance names [ScG airigh, rinn/roinn, both(an), sgail, etc.].

Discusses the native names of bells associated with particular saints: 1. Bardán (Ciaráin); 2. Bernán; 3. Bethechán; 4. Bóbán; 5. Ceolán; 6. Dub Dúaibsech; 7. Dub Díglach; 8. Finnfaídech; 9. Glasán; 10. Glúnán; 11. Udachta Pátraic.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

On the case for their identification with Barnavave and Moyry Pass, respectively.

barr, caoi, faitíos, feadh, grá, leisce, nós, scáth.

ad O. Bergin, Gadelica 1/4 (1913), p. 271 (Best² 270); fear(r) barr < fear bairr ‘extra’.

1. OGaul. asia- ‘secale’: Lith. asỹ- ‘Schachtel-, Schafthalm’; 2. OGaul. nemnali- ‘célébrer’: RV. námna- ‘sich beugen/neigen’ [OIr. nemnall]; 3. OGaul. mapalia- ‘kindlich’: TochA. mkälto- ‘jung, klein’ [OIr. macc]; 4. OGaul. mas ‘gl. metallum’: TochA. msāṣ ‘imo : from beneath’; 5. OGaul. cunobarro- (PN.) ‘Tête-de-Chien’ : CLu. paraia- ‘hoch’ [OIr. barr]; 6. OGaul. marco- ‘horse’: TochA. markä- ‘move’ [OIr. marc]; 7. OGaul. slēbino- ‘montanus’: TochB. ṣale ‘mountain, hill’ [OIr. slíab]; 8. OGaul. cobro- ‘love, desire, greed’: TochB. kakāpo- ‘desire, crave, want’ [OIr. -chobur, (ad-)cobra, etc.]; 9. OGaul. mallo- ‘langsam, träge’: TochB. mālle ‘dull’ [OIr. mall]; 10. OGaul. bilio- ‘Baum’: TochB. pilta- ‘leaf, petal’ [OIr. bile].

Corr, droim, mullach, tullach, barr, cnoc.

§6: Non-IE words in Insular Celtic [discusses ainder, carr, carra, carrac, carn, cala (ScG), barra (ScG), cuan, adarc, mothar, land]; §7: Non-IE names in Scotland [discusses Alba(n), Isla, Sale, Caledonia, etc.].

Challenges the view propounded by Léon Fleuriot and David Dumville that Finnian was essentially a British saint.

[1] Glórshúil ; [2] Cuirim in iúl ; [3] Barróg; [4] Fínné ; [5] Césmuite.

Add. & corr. in Éigse 18/2 (1981), p. 308.

On the reflexes of Lat. parabola in Romance and Irish (i.e. EModIr. baramhail > ModIr. barúil).

Discusses the idiomatic use of copula + marb ‘to die’ (as oppposed to the stative use of copula + predicative marb ‘he is dead’) and argues that it occurs in tenses other than the preterite, except in case of omission of the copula, where the idiom is confined to the past tense. Includes a collection of examples and a brief account of its substitution by competing idioms such as téit bás, téit éc, fuair bás.

Studies the etymology and semantics of Irish expressions denoting ‘death’ as occurring in the texts, with the aim of retrieving the Celtic attitudes towards death.

On the syntax of the idiom faigh bás.

Examines the usage of names of illnesses and diseases occurring in the text of Bethada náem nÉrenn: 1. amlabar, bacach, bodhar, clamhdall, lobhar; 2. aillse, fiolun fionn, easbadha, cuthach; scamach, lirach, moirtin marbh, bás obann, ifreann; esláinte theinntidhe, galar cos, demhan.

Discusses use of terms Lat. basilica, dominicum and Ir. baislec/baislic , domnach in medieval Ireland.

Suggests that the Basilica of St. Martin mentioned in BNF Latin 10837 was located in or near Baslick (Co. Roscommon). Cf. D. Ó Cróinín, in Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 33, 35.

Edition of poem beg. Secht n-eidind indestter dam, from RIA 24 B 3. With Engl. transl. and textual notes [esp. on OIr. clí, cétgrinne, baslach].

Suggests that the Basilica of St. Martin mentioned in BNF Latin 10837 was located in or near Baslick (Co. Roscommon). Cf. D. Ó Cróinín, in Peritia 3 (1984), pp. 33, 35.

George Henderson, The Norse influence on Celtic Scotland (1910), pp. 138-143: 1. bàta; 2. bìrlinn; 3. carbh; 4. càrbhair; 5. cnarra; 6. geòla; 7. sgoth.

I. Sé fhocal ón iasacht: 1. batam; 2. blámás/plámás; 3. gríscín; 4. leibhit, leibhiteáil; 5. strúsín; 6. treiscín.

II. Cúig leagan cainte: 1. dhá chuid; 2. dhá leath; 3. dhá leor; 4. duine agus duine; 5. m’athair agus iad .

att-ba is a compound of att ‘swelling’ and ba ‘death’; éc at(t)bai ‘death by tumour’; other compounds with bath ‘death, destruction’ or ba ‘death’ as second elements.

ad Wb. (prima manus) 12d35. Suggests that the last segment of báeth ‘foolish’ has been reinterpreted as the agentive suffix -id.

Suggests that CIG represents a reworking of Erchoitmed Ingine Gulide by Brian Ó Gnímh some time after 1567, commemorating the military and political achievements of the MacDonnells of Antrim following the Battle of Glenshesk (1565), and commenting on the shared fate and status of patron and ollamh. Cf. C. Breatnach, in Ériu 41 (1990), pp. 37-60, and 43 (1992), pp. 159-176.

The account in Gaelic poetry of the Battle of the Boyne and its aftermath.

Argues that bé and ben are secondarily differentiated forms abstracted from morphophonemic variants of a single underlying stem.

The doublet bé, ben reflects an old paradigm split.

On the metaphorical use of beach eoil, beach eolais and beach as a term of praise in Classical Irish verse and some later Modern Irish poems, based on the importance of the beach eolais ‘scout (bee)'.

On the metaphorical use of beach eoil, beach eolais and beach as a term of praise in Classical Irish verse and some later Modern Irish poems, based on the importance of the beach eolais ‘scout (bee)'.

On the metaphorical use of beach eoil, beach eolais and beach as a term of praise in Classical Irish verse and some later Modern Irish poems, based on the importance of the beach eolais ‘scout (bee)'.

[1.] Henryson’s Bawdronis the cat [not < Ir. beadrach]; [2.] Henryson’s dart oxin [< Ir. dairt]; [3.] bacis in Henryson’s The annunciation; [4.] Dunbar’s Strenever; [5.] Wallydrag ‘good-fot-nothing’ and Gaelic [< MIr. súaitrech]; [6.] Gavin Douglas’s Of Lundeys Lufe; [7.] Gavin Douglas’s in threte [< Ir. i dtraite]; [8.] Gavin Douglas’s Treilʓeis [< Ir. trilis].

1. Gníomhaí + cuspóir + ainm briathartha; 2. Nóta faoin gcónasc go/nach; 3. Beag ag cáiliú aidiachta; 4. Aidiacht ag cáiliú ainm bhriathartha; 5. An + ainm teibí + mór; 6. Tá siad comh- + ainm teibí.

Creative processes in the formation of Gaelic place-names. Incl. some discussion of mór, dubh, beag, caoch, bréige, bréagach, breugach, garbh.

Discusses traditions concerning mystical islands off the west coast of Ireland: Uí Bhreasaíl, Mainistir Ladra, Beag-Árainn, Cill Stuifín, Cathair Tonn Tóime.

On the English idioms to cry uncle and to make a poor mouth, relating to Ir. anacal and béal bocht.

Discusses the origins and meanings of place-names in this disctrict of Co. Derry: Desertoghill, Ballynameen, Carbalintober, Crossland, Craigavole, Caulhame, Gortacloghan.

Part I (Secular): (A) Armagh plain: Macha, Emain Macha, Oenach Macha, Drumconwell, Creeveroe and divisions; Loughnashade, Kings Stables, Ráth Cimbaíth, Tullyworgle, Bull’s Track; (B) South Armagh: Slieve Gullion, Sliab Monduirn, Sliab Fuait, Áth na Foraire, Béal Átha an Airgid, Dorsey, Loch Echtra, Nemed, Callan, Ardachadh, Cloenloch, Forkill, Midluachair, Fiodh Conaille, Fathom, Carnbane, Búrach Ulad. Part II (Lives of St. Patrick): Ind Fherta, Ard Macha, Ard Sailech, Telach na Licce, Tamlachta Bó, Cenngoba, Oenach Macha, Nemed.

Examines traditions, textual sources and topography linking the death of Conall with Ballyconnell.

Compares and contrasts the onomastic lore connected to two fords: Ballyleague, Co. Roscommon [OIr. Áth Líac Find ], and ‘The Steps’ at Cullentragh, Co. Longford.

Addenda in JCHAS 98 (1993), p. 157.

On the English idioms to cry uncle and to make a poor mouth, relating to Ir. anacal and béal bocht.

Transl. of D. Flanagan, Béal Feirste agus áitainmneacha laistigh, in (pp. 45-64) Topothesia: essays in honour of T. S. Ó Máille, ed. by B. S. Mac Aodha (Galway 1982).

Belfast, Cave Hill, Glengormley, Dunmurry, Knockbreda.

Discusses the place-names of the city and districts comprised within the civil parishes of Shankill, Drumbeg, Knockbreda and Holywood.

Addenda in JCHAS 98 (1993), p. 157.

On the case for their identification with Barnavave and Moyry Pass, respectively.

Examines the definitions of bel, belltaine and oimelc in Cormac’s Glossary and criticises the received assumptions concerning the festivals of Beltaine and Imbolg which derive from a wrong interpretation of these particular glosses.

Investigates the rules governing the public presence of women, with particular attention to the case of women participating as members of a poet’s retinue.

< bean tsiúil ‘female vagrant’.

< bean tsiúil ‘female vagrant’.

Describes how women have played the role of poets and performers despite the male predominance in the bardic system. Discusses in particular the terms ban-fhili, ban-cháinte and ban-chaínte.

[1.] béarann; [2.] bhéarann; [3.] déarann; [4.] g(h)eobhann, fuigheann; [5.] íosann; [6.] tiocann; [7.] rachann; [8.] tchífeann; [9.] dhéanann; [10.] béann.

The use of place-names in various Fenian ballds, incl. Beann Ghulbain (Laoidh Dhiarmaid, beg. Gleann Síodh an gleann so rém thaoibh), Carn Fraoich, Loch Máigh (Laoidh Fhraoich, beg. Osnadh carad a Cluain Fraoich), etc.

Ir. Beannchar.

béarrach orig. ‘someone from Béarra’ > ‘rough, uncouth’.

[1.] béarann; [2.] bhéarann; [3.] déarann; [4.] g(h)eobhann, fuigheann; [5.] íosann; [6.] tiocann; [7.] rachann; [8.] tchífeann; [9.] dhéanann; [10.] béann.

1. beargún/beirgiún/biorgún; 2. béitín/béitíne; 3. meá/meadh/midh/meath; 4. infear; 5. stilliúr; 6. ainsiléad; 7. luaidhe; 8. spéir.

1. Glenravel. 2. Farnaght. 3. Ballyhaukish. 4. Barnagrotty. 5. Castlewarden. 6. Drumacoo. 7. Heapstown. 8. Iffa and Offa. 9. Inch St Laurence. 10. Killeshin. 11. Tirerrill. 12. Toberdan. 13. Tolka. 14. Woodstock. 15. Woodstock. 16. Finnoo. 17. Evegallahoo. 18. Lismakeery. 19. Ballymakeery. 20. Sheen. 21. Shiven. 22. Shimna.

béarrach orig. ‘someone from Béarra’ > ‘rough, uncouth’.

Normalised editions of three (late ?) Middle Irish poems from MS Brussels 20978–9 with English translation and notes. [1.] Aislinge Augustín áin, on the special virtue of the Beati (Ir. bia(i)t) (118th psalm), which is described as containing 22 chapters (coiptel) and 8 verses (fersa) in each chapter; [2.] Trí sethra ro chuala ar ló, on fasting; [3.] Cinaed, cá cin ro buí dúinn; for further comment on poem, see J. V. Kelleher, in Éigse 16/4 (1976), pp. 251-54; some discussion of phrase lemnacht la cat.

Discusses the name elements becc/bécc, cáech, dóel, túaim; includes an excursus on Dallán Forgaill.

OIr. boimm, becht.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

ad-bheir, do-ghní, ro-d fia (= OIr. rot-bia), aill in feacht n-aill (= OIr. neut. aill), dochum/chum, beidid (< MIr. beitit), roimh^l.

Logainmneacha bunaithe ar eolas bailithe ó Sheán (nach maireann) agus ó Mhuiris Mhaidhc Léan Ó Guithín, Dún Chaoin.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

On some of the incorrect and misleading meanings in Irish and Scottish dictionaries derived from glosses in Míchéal Ó Cléirigh’s dictionary, Focloir no Sanasan Nua (1643). 1. acht ‘danger’; 2. ailcith ‘a strand stone’; 3. aincheas ‘danger’; 4. aineach ‘horsemanship’; 5. airmid ‘a swan’; 6. aitheallach ‘a second proof’; 7. aithréos ‘manure’; 8. ala(dh) ‘a trout’; 9. argad ‘a hindrance’; 10. bacat ‘a captive’; 11. béim ‘a nation’; 12. coibhchiogh ‘ravenous, fierce’; 13. coichmhe ‘an udder’; 14. díchealtair ‘a park’; 15. fé fiadha ‘a park’; 16. fec ‘a weakness’; 17. feothán ‘a dormouse’; 18. glinn, grinn ‘a fort’, ‘a garrison’; 19. meirceann ‘a finger’; 20. rae ‘a salmon’; 21. rear ‘provision’; 22. samhlat ‘active’; 23. sithbhe ‘a city’; 24. soma ‘a flock of swans’; 25. talchara ‘a generous lover’; 26. tealgadh ‘eating, consuming’; 27. urghais ‘suppression of antiquities’.

Examines the early Irish lists of cles and discusses the individual feats, primarily those associated with Cú Chulainn in Táin bó Cúailnge (cf. TBC 1 ll. 1714-1719): 1. ubullchless; 2. fáeborchless; 3. fáenchless; 4. cless cletenach; 5.téchtless; 6. corpchless; 7. cless caitt; 8. ích n-erred; 9. cor ndeled; 10. léim dar néib/néim; 11. filliud erred náir; 12. gái bolga; 13. bái brasse; 14. rothchless; 15. ochtarchless; 16. cless for análaib; 17. bruud gine; 18. sian caurad; 19. béim co commus; 20. táithbéim; 21. dréim fri fogaist agus agus dírgud crette fora rind co fonnadm níad náir.

Discusses the following elements in Perth place names: beinn, bioran, caisteal, càrn, cnap, cnoc, cruach, dun, maol, meall, sgiath, sgorr, sìdhean, sliabh, sròn, stob, stuc, tom, tòrr.

Examines the distribution of place-names in northern Britain which contain elements defined as P-Celtic. Appendix 1: Survey of place-name elements organized according to their degree of Pictishness (Category 1: P-Celtic words probably not borrowed into Gaelic: *aber or *abbor, *bren or *brun, *cēt, *cuper, *dol, *eclēs, *lanerc, *mig, *ogel, *pant, *pen, *pert, *pevr, *pren, ?*roth, *traus/*tros, Note on *nemed; Category 2: P-Celtic words borrowed into Gaelic but only attested in place-names: *cair, *carden, *gronn; Category 3: P-Celtic loan-words attested as common nouns in Gaelic: bad, dail, monadh, pett, pòr, preas; Category 4: Gaelic elements influenced by a Pictish cognate: ? beinn, blàr, càrn, dabhach, dùn, foithir, lios, ràth, srath); Appendix 2: The problem of Cardean; Appendix 3: A note on Keir; Appendix 4: Certain, probable or possible ‘Pictish’ names containing elements not discussed above.

beir, bheir, cluin, ghní, deir, gheibh, tchí, ith, t(h)ig, t(h)éigh / t(h)éid.

Investigates the inflexion of beir in the Modern Irish dialects. To be continued.

1. beargún/beirgiún/biorgún; 2. béitín/béitíne; 3. meá/meadh/midh/meath; 4. infear; 5. stilliúr; 6. ainsiléad; 7. luaidhe; 8. spéir.

Also comments on Ir. birrling.

Suggests that beirt ‘two persons’ derives from bert ‘a move in a board game entailing two pieces’.

Edition of Bríatharogaim, including glossing and commentary, from MSS RIA 23 P 12, NLI G 53, TCD H 3. 18, and YBL; with translation and notes. Discussion of each of the names: Beithe, Luis, Fern, Sail, Nin, (h)Úath, Dair, Tinne, Coll, Cert, Muin, Gort, Gétal, Straiph, Ruis, Ailm, Onn, Ú(i)r, Edad (?), Idad (?), Ébad (?), Ó(i)r, Uil(l)en(n), Pín (Iphín), Iphín (Pín), Emancholl.

Identifies the 28 trees and shrubs listed in the eighth-century legal tract Bretha comaithchesa, which are divided into four groups of seven: 1. airig fedo ‘nobles of the wood’: daur ‘oak’, coll ‘hazel’, cuilenn ‘holly’, ibar ‘yew’, uinnius ‘ash’, ochtach ‘Scots pine?', aball ‘wild apple-tree’; 2. aithig fedo ‘commoners of the wood’: fern ‘alder’, sail ‘willow’, scé ‘whitehorn, hawthorn’, cáerthann ‘rowan, mountain ash’, beithe ‘birch’, lem ‘elm’, idath ‘wild cherry?'; 3. fodla fedo ‘lower divisions of the wood’: draigen ‘blackthorn’, trom ‘elder, bore-tree’, féorus ‘spindle-tree’, findcholl ‘whitebeam?', caithne ‘arbutus, strawberry tree’, crithach ‘aspen’, crann fir ‘juniper?'; 4. losa fedo ‘bushes of the wood’: raith ‘bracken’, rait ‘bog-myrtle’, aiten ‘gorse, furze’, dris ‘bramble, blackberry’, fróech ‘heather’, gilcach ‘broom?', spín ‘wild rose?'. Also includes brief discussion of lecla and aín, variant names for ‘rushes’, and native trees and shrubs not included in the four classes.

1. beargún/beirgiún/biorgún; 2. béitín/béitíne; 3. meá/meadh/midh/meath; 4. infear; 5. stilliúr; 6. ainsiléad; 7. luaidhe; 8. spéir.

1. beargún/beirgiún/biorgún; 2. béitín/béitíne; 3. meá/meadh/midh/meath; 4. infear; 5. stilliúr; 6. ainsiléad; 7. luaidhe; 8. spéir.

Discusses the various methods used by the Hispericists to coin new, artificial Latin words (incl. discussion of Hisp. Lat. besus and belua, arguably modelled on OIr. bés and bél).

vs. T. F. O’Rahilly, in Ériu 13 (1942), pp. 163-166. Argues that bolg ‘gap’ derives from *bolcc [-k] and concludes that blog and belach are not related.

Includes a discussion of the etymology of the Old Irish terms áth, belach, bóthar, casán, conar, drochet, éol, rith, sét, séol, slige.

Discusses textual attestations of the OIr. terms rámat, tóchar, slige, rót, lamráite, tograite, bóthar, conar, cosán, magrót, belach, clochán, sráit, etc.

Argues that the Munster Belach Conglais found in some sources is a literary fabrication connected with the rise of the Dál Cais.

Identifications of the following place-names on the Limerick-Cork border: [1.] Cenn Ebrat/Febrat; [2.] Belach Legtha; [3.] Cenn Ebrat; [4.] Sliab Caín; [5.] Belach Ebrat / Febrat; [6.] An Sliabh Riabhach; [7.] Belach Lechta [Redsheard/Redchair; An Bhearna Dhearg]; [8.] ‘Lacht Mahon’ [Leacht Mhaghthamhna]; [9.] Conclusions.

Identifications of the following place-names on the Limerick-Cork border: [1.] Cenn Ebrat/Febrat; [2.] Belach Legtha; [3.] Cenn Ebrat; [4.] Sliab Caín; [5.] Belach Ebrat / Febrat; [6.] An Sliabh Riabhach; [7.] Belach Lechta [Redsheard/Redchair; An Bhearna Dhearg]; [8.] ‘Lacht Mahon’ [Leacht Mhaghthamhna]; [9.] Conclusions.

Studies five Latin lemmata that were glossed both in Old Irish and in Old Breton in the course of the manuscript tradition of the Institutiones: 1. OIr. bí gl. pix; 2. bélat gl. competum; 3. OIr. glés and marcír gl. striglis; 4. cucan(n) gl. penus, etc.; 5. torc allid gl. aper.

Rejects T. F. O’Rahilly’ explanation, in Early Irish history and mythology (BILL 482), pp. 43-57.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

Suggests the phrase dá n-ó bill (in the glosses to Félire Óengusso 3 July and Sanas Cormaic Y §179) represents phonetic spelling for dá n-ó pill ‘two ears of a horse’, and was mistakenly associated with OIr. bill, bell by early Irish glossators.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

1. The name of Bellshill, near Motherwell; 2. The name of Carmichael, near Lanark; 3. The name of Lauder, Borders; 4. Soutra in Lothian and Dinsol in Culhwch and Olwen.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

Outlines the Isidorian etymological methodology and illustrates its application in Irish scholarship with four examples from Irish hagiography.

The term Beltancu, containing Ir. Beltaine, introduced to northern England by Vikings perhaps in the tenth century, the practice exhibiting Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic features.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

The term Beltancu, containing Ir. Beltaine, introduced to northern England by Vikings perhaps in the tenth century, the practice exhibiting Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic features.

Discusses the names Medb, Beltene, Ailill, Brigit.

Examines the definitions of bel, belltaine and oimelc in Cormac’s Glossary and criticises the received assumptions concerning the festivals of Beltaine and Imbolg which derive from a wrong interpretation of these particular glosses.

Discusses the various methods used by the Hispericists to coin new, artificial Latin words (incl. discussion of Hisp. Lat. besus and belua, arguably modelled on OIr. bés and bél).

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

The doublet bé, ben reflects an old paradigm split.

Argues that bé and ben are secondarily differentiated forms abstracted from morphophonemic variants of a single underlying stem.

Argues that the declension of the oblique cases of the OIr. ā-stems can be derived regularly from Indo-European with the intervention of the analogical spread to the nominal inflection of an extended stem in *-osiā- based on the forms here postulated for the accusative, genitive and dative of the 3rd sg. fem. demonstrative pronoun.

Republ. in Selected papers on Indo-European linguistics, pp. 505-510.

Argues that the figure underlying Eithne in Gubai wife of Cú Chulainn in recension B of Serglige Con Chulainn is the goddess Bóand (also surfacing as Ben in Gobann associated with the Boyne tumuli).

Argues this means ‘the foot of the Morrígan’ (rather than ‘the pangs of a woman in childbirth’), suggesting it is a literary reference to the war-goddess setting foot in bird form as Cú Chulainn dies.

Ir. Beannchar.

Discusses in particular the term andee, arguing that it denotes not humans but supernatural beings.

Discusses the dindshenchas of Benn Codail (study based on the Rennes version).

Analysis of content and style of devotional stanzas appended to 20 dinnshenchas poems; use of Rí, Coimdiu, Dúilem, Fer adressing the Deity. Concludes that Cuán ua Lóchán (†1024) is the author. [1.] Introduction; [2.] ‘Loch Dergderc’ (beg. Inlinnse luaidim cach lá), `Áth Luain’ (beg. A ḟir théit i mag Medba), ‘Carn Furbaide’ (beg. Atá sund Carn uí Chathbath); Saltair na Rann; [2.] ‘Cleitech’ (beg. Cleitech in druí díles daith); [3.] ‘Crechmael’ (beg. In dremsa nach duairc oc dáil); [4.] ‘Es Ruaid I’ (beg. A ḟir dodechaid atuaid); [5.] ‘Lia Nothain’ (beg. Atá sunn fo choirthe chruaid), ‘Sliab Betha’ (beg. Atchíu lecht deoraid do chéin), ‘Druim Cliab’ (beg. Sunna ro boí Caurnan cas), ‘Cerna’ (beg. Cia bem sunn 'nar suide sel), ‘Loch nÉrne’ (beg. Loch nÉrne, ard a oscur), ‘Ard Macha’ (beg. In mag imriadat ar n-eich), ‘Temair III’ (beg. Temair togha na tulach); [6.] ‘Dubthir’ (beg. Dubthir Guaire, gním dia fail), ‘Nemthenn’ (beg. Dreco ingen Chalcmaíl chruaid), ‘Mag Luirg’ (beg. Is eol dam im threbthas tó); [7.] ‘Mag Muirisce’ (beg. A ḟir a Muirisc na marc); [8.] ‘Loch Néil’ (beg. Luaidim Loch Néil, násad nglé); [9.] ‘Benn Ḟoibne’ (beg. Eol dam co soirbe sercaig); 10. The rime dil: -ḟir and ‘Mag nAí' (beg. A ḟir, dia téis i Mag nAí); [11.] A poet’s enthusiasm for his subject.

Belfast, Cave Hill, Glengormley, Dunmurry, Knockbreda.

Discusses the following Scottish place-names: 1. Noss Head, Piltanton Burn, Bennachie, and Dunscanby Head; 2. Arran, Cumnock, Girvan, and Irvine; 3. Loquhariot; 4. Pennango and Soutra.

Argues that mennán and bennán are etymologically unrelated but that the former attracted the latter to its semantic range because of the sporadic sound change b > m.

vs. T. S. Ó Máille, in JCS 2 (1953), p. 141. Suggests a derivation from Engl. bent.

< bean tsiúil ‘female vagrant’.

Investigates the rules governing the public presence of women, with particular attention to the case of women participating as members of a poet’s retinue.

Supports F. Kortlandt’s rule of pretonic shortening in Celtic (outlined in Slavic accentuation (1974), pp. 76-82) with a new example: OIr. sith- (W hyd).

1. A far-fetched formula for fairrge? [On an alliterative formula involving fairrge first attested in Blathmac]; 2. The ocean in uproar [Proposes two alternative etymologies for OIr. fairrge]; 3. The sound of the silent [On ‘compound alliteration’ in Blathmac]; 4. Alliterating beös [Argues beös in Blathmac §218 is a disyll. stressed on the last syll. making alliteration with an initial stressed vowel].

Also on the Celtic reflexes, including Irish.

OIr. sor, sar, sarachán; berbad, bruth; lágha, láighe.

Repr. in Ausgewählte Beiträge zur typologischen Sprachgeographie, pp. 165-167.

Examines the parallels between the Indo-Iranian myth of the dragon-slayer and the killing of Méiche mentioned in the Dindshenchas of Berba.

OIr. berb(a)id.

OIr. berb(a)id.

Discusses five Lat. inscriptions (incl. the ‘Berichter’ slab) dated to not later than the 10th c.

Discusses five Lat. inscriptions (incl. the ‘Berichter’ slab) dated to not later than the 10th c.

Statutory public lecture of the School of Celtic Studies, 1978. On syncope and the ‘trisyllabic factor’ in Archaic Irish verse; includes a discussion of Bergin’s law.

Appendix I, Section A, Minor laws: Bergin’s law, pp. 230-231; Mac Neill’s law, pp. 235-236.

Rev. by
Karl Horst Schmidt, in ZCP 43 (1989), pp. 291-292.

Suggests that they originate in the 6th c. in imitation of Latin poetry and rhetorical style. Includes observations on Bergin’s law.

An evaluation of P. Ó Coisdealbha, The syntax of the sentence in Old Irish (Tübingen, 1998). Especially with regard to his treatment of Bergin’s law and the tmesis construction.

Discusses the phonological properties of the Bergin’s rule construction, in particular the nasalization of the verb after an accusative singular or a genitive plural, arguing that it results from the attempt to adapt verb-initial order to residual pre-verb-initial clausal configuration.

Discusses five Lat. inscriptions (incl. the ‘Berichter’ slab) dated to not later than the 10th c.

Discusses berid, ad-opair, fúabair and related forms.

Investigates the inflexion of beir in the Modern Irish dialects. To be continued.

Discusses semantically differentiated set of reflexes for PIE *med- ‘announce, pronounce’ (cf. OIr. midithur ‘judge’); also PIE root *bherH- ‘dicere, medd’, which yielded OIr. as-beir ‘says’, and the phrase *brneHti brHtun ‘pronounce a pronouncement’ > ‘judge (a judgement)', which gave in Irish berid breith and Welsh barnu brawd.

History of the collection and details on its current holdings, today housed in the Berliner Lautarchiv of the Musikwissenschaftlichen Seminar der Humboldt-Universität.

Discusses the native names of bells associated with particular saints: 1. Bardán (Ciaráin); 2. Bernán; 3. Bethechán; 4. Bóbán; 5. Ceolán; 6. Dub Dúaibsech; 7. Dub Díglach; 8. Finnfaídech; 9. Glasán; 10. Glúnán; 11. Udachta Pátraic.

On the case for their identification with Barnavave and Moyry Pass, respectively.

On the case for their identification with Barnavave and Moyry Pass, respectively.

Analyses the elements of toponymy of Gaelic and Norse origin.

A collection of place-names.

Suggests that beirt ‘two persons’ derives from bert ‘a move in a board game entailing two pieces’.

Expands b^—tho in the Egerton 1782 version of Táin bó Regamna as bertho (= berthae, for OIr. bertae), vs. the emendation bretho by E. Windisch (in IT II, ii, p. 241).

Suggests it is a nomen actionis formed with the suffix -tu- on the verbal stem *b^hend^h- ‘to bind´.

ad A. Bammesberger, in ÉtC 26 (1989), pp. 69–71.

On the mutual interaction of Irish and Latin in two words used by Virgil the Grammarian: 1. litteratura [and its relation to OIr. litred]; 2. bessu [and its relation to OIr. bés.]

Discusses the various methods used by the Hispericists to coin new, artificial Latin words (incl. discussion of Hisp. Lat. besus and belua, arguably modelled on OIr. bés and bél).

Argues that D. A. Binchy’s emendation of the two sentences introduced by céin in Críth gablach §9, 77-79 is unnecessary, and offers an interpretation of the text that allows the restoration of the original readings in MS TCD H 3. 18 (céin mbís maice and céin bes n-óenchiniud).

1. bestindrim; 2. dolbud; 3. ecosc; 4. figair, fiugar; 5. fuath; 6. iroin; 7. metaforde, metaforecde; 8. sciam; 9. trop; 10. tropdae; 11. tropdaid.

On the mutual interaction of Irish and Latin in two words used by Virgil the Grammarian: 1. litteratura [and its relation to OIr. litred]; 2. bessu [and its relation to OIr. bés.]

Discusses the various methods used by the Hispericists to coin new, artificial Latin words (incl. discussion of Hisp. Lat. besus and belua, arguably modelled on OIr. bés and bél).

Collects and analyses instances of agent nouns in -em: Prototypen bzw. frühere Bildungen (ainim(m)/anaim(m), talam); Bekannte und gesicherte -amon und -(i)i̯amon-Bildungen (airem, betham, brithem, cairem, dáilem, dúilem, féchem, fethem, flaithem, glaídem, legam, luam, medam, mraithem, orb(b)am, súainem).

Continued in Die Sprache 44 (2004), 26-69.

Hapax legomena bzw. nicht gesicherte Formen (cainim, clithem, etham, foídem, laissem, meisem/mesam, roem, sílem, sruithem, toirnem); Tierbezeichnungen (*betham, braichem, glaídem, legam, léom, sirem, toinnem, trichem/trechem); Bezeichnungen für Werkzeuge bzw. Gebrauchgegenstände (airnem, airtem, ceram, drolam, es(s)em, fíam, galam, genam/genum, ¹rúam, ²rúam, súainem); Personennamen (Aithem, *Segam, *Regam, Maram, Solam); Ähnliche Bildungen (mithem, ollam); Zusammenfassung.

Discusses the native names of bells associated with particular saints: 1. Bardán (Ciaráin); 2. Bernán; 3. Bethechán; 4. Bóbán; 5. Ceolán; 6. Dub Dúaibsech; 7. Dub Díglach; 8. Finnfaídech; 9. Glasán; 10. Glúnán; 11. Udachta Pátraic.

Also on the Celtic reflexes, including Irish.

Discussion of ia in unstressed syllables in OIr., including disyllabic forms in ïa, e.g. in verbal forms foídiam, égthiar, dringthiar, rigthier; also discusses relationship between -bïad and -betis of the substantive verb.

The association of nasality and certain voiceless sounds: 1. Rhinoglottophilia, 2. Glottorhinophilia; 3. The sporadic change mh > m and related changes: (i) mh > m; (ii) amhrán; (iii) ScG siobhag; (iv) bh > b.

[1.] Evidence for Gaelic speech in Banffshire in 1881; [2.] Evidence for the Gaelic dialect of Banffshire. Features with corresponding maps discussed incl.: 1. -am, -om; 2. -all, -oll, -ann, -onn; 3./4. Preaspiration before t and p; 5. -adh > Ø; 6. bh > u; 7. Slender -nn > [ŋʹ]; 8. -m + f- > -m + b-; 9. -n + s- > -n + z-; 10. -n + ʃ> -n + ʤ; 11. ‘east’ (sìos), ‘west’ (suas); 12. down(wards) (a-bhàn); [3.] Conclusions.

[1.] béarann; [2.] bhéarann; [3.] déarann; [4.] g(h)eobhann, fuigheann; [5.] íosann; [6.] tiocann; [7.] rachann; [8.] tchífeann; [9.] dhéanann; [10.] béann.

Identifications of the following place-names on the Limerick-Cork border: [1.] Cenn Ebrat/Febrat; [2.] Belach Legtha; [3.] Cenn Ebrat; [4.] Sliab Caín; [5.] Belach Ebrat / Febrat; [6.] An Sliabh Riabhach; [7.] Belach Lechta [Redsheard/Redchair; An Bhearna Dhearg]; [8.] ‘Lacht Mahon’ [Leacht Mhaghthamhna]; [9.] Conclusions.

beir, bheir, cluin, ghní, deir, gheibh, tchí, ith, t(h)ig, t(h)éigh / t(h)éid.

Proposes that it belongs to a homogeneous set of Proto-Indo-European terms referring to house construction. Cf. C. Watkins, in Ériu 28 (1978), pp. 155-160.

luid, -buich, do·cer, bí, -fuair, -ánaic.

Reprinted in Saggi Campanile, pp. 300-303.

Studies five Latin lemmata that were glossed both in Old Irish and in Old Breton in the course of the manuscript tradition of the Institutiones: 1. OIr. bí gl. pix; 2. bélat gl. competum; 3. OIr. glés and marcír gl. striglis; 4. cucan(n) gl. penus, etc.; 5. torc allid gl. aper.

Discussion of ia in unstressed syllables in OIr., including disyllabic forms in ïa, e.g. in verbal forms foídiam, égthiar, dringthiar, rigthier; also discusses relationship between -bïad and -betis of the substantive verb.

Discusses the etymological relationship between OIr. biad (< PC *beyatom) and bíathaid (< PC *bētāti; both ultimately < *√g^weyh₃- ‘live’), arguing that the difference in root vocalism is due to rule-governed loss of laryngeal in the PC form underlying bíathaid.

Includes a discussion of the etymology of the Old Irish terms blíadain, ónn uraid (MIr. innuraid), gaim, gem, gam, gaimred, errach, sam, samrad, fog(a)mar, feis, gamuin, fannall, samaisc, eórna.

Argues that OIr. bïáil, gen. bélo result from the analogical extension of the more common alternation ïa : i to the aberrant paradigm bḯail, gen. *bílo resulting from the here postulated CC pre-form *bı̄salis based on PIE (zero grade) *b^hih_a-.

Argues that OIr. bïáil, gen. bélo result from the analogical extension of the more common alternation ïa : i to the aberrant paradigm bḯail, gen. *bílo resulting from the here postulated CC pre-form *bı̄salis based on PIE (zero grade) *b^hih_a-.

I. ceimesdin/cemeas [Corm. LB 10.31; H 3. 18, 67c36 = CIH ii 611.12 (Dúil Dromma Cetta)] ; II. ord [Corm. Y 1030]; III. minarba [Corm. Y 901]; IV. bíail [Corm. Y 126]; V. rot [Corm. Y 1120]; VI. loscuirn [Corm. Y 838]; VII. bradán [Corm. Y 158]; VIII. lon [H 3. 18, 76a36 = CIH ii 622.31].

Argues that OIr. bïáil, gen. bélo result from the analogical extension of the more common alternation ïa : i to the aberrant paradigm bḯail, gen. *bílo resulting from the here postulated CC pre-form *bı̄salis based on PIE (zero grade) *b^hih_a-.

I. ceimesdin/cemeas [Corm. LB 10.31; H 3. 18, 67c36 = CIH ii 611.12 (Dúil Dromma Cetta)] ; II. ord [Corm. Y 1030]; III. minarba [Corm. Y 901]; IV. bíail [Corm. Y 126]; V. rot [Corm. Y 1120]; VI. loscuirn [Corm. Y 838]; VII. bradán [Corm. Y 158]; VIII. lon [H 3. 18, 76a36 = CIH ii 622.31].

Normalised editions of three (late ?) Middle Irish poems from MS Brussels 20978–9 with English translation and notes. [1.] Aislinge Augustín áin, on the special virtue of the Beati (Ir. bia(i)t) (118th psalm), which is described as containing 22 chapters (coiptel) and 8 verses (fersa) in each chapter; [2.] Trí sethra ro chuala ar ló, on fasting; [3.] Cinaed, cá cin ro buí dúinn; for further comment on poem, see J. V. Kelleher, in Éigse 16/4 (1976), pp. 251-54; some discussion of phrase lemnacht la cat.

Discusses the etymological relationship between OIr. biad (< PC *beyatom) and bíathaid (< PC *bētāti; both ultimately < *√g^weyh₃- ‘live’), arguing that the difference in root vocalism is due to rule-governed loss of laryngeal in the PC form underlying bíathaid.

I. Pre-Scandinavian place-names in Man: Man, Douglas, Rushen, Hentre, Ards (Arddae Huimnonn), Appyn, Nappin, Balthane, Begoade, Bemaccan, Bemahague, Bibaloe, Bollown, etc. II. Pre-Scandinavian place-name elements in Man: slieau (Ir. sliabh), carrick (Ir. carraig, kil- (Mx keeil, Ir. cill), balla- (Mx balley, Ir. baile, magher (Ir. machaire, ScG machair); 3. Pre-Scandinavian place-names without toponymical attestation in Man.

Incl. poem beg. Tá go leor insan áit so dhá rá gur Sagsanach mé, ed. from NLI MS G 200 (a).

Further on bibras / bíobhas, an ailment in horses, as based on Engl. vives; cf. B. Ó Cuív, in Celtica 17 (1985), p. 122.

Argues that OIr. bïáil, gen. bélo result from the analogical extension of the more common alternation ïa : i to the aberrant paradigm bḯail, gen. *bílo resulting from the here postulated CC pre-form *bı̄salis based on PIE (zero grade) *b^hih_a-.

I. ceimesdin/cemeas [Corm. LB 10.31; H 3. 18, 67c36 = CIH ii 611.12 (Dúil Dromma Cetta)] ; II. ord [Corm. Y 1030]; III. minarba [Corm. Y 901]; IV. bíail [Corm. Y 126]; V. rot [Corm. Y 1120]; VI. loscuirn [Corm. Y 838]; VII. bradán [Corm. Y 158]; VIII. lon [H 3. 18, 76a36 = CIH ii 622.31].

Examines the definitions of bel, belltaine and oimelc in Cormac’s Glossary and criticises the received assumptions concerning the festivals of Beltaine and Imbolg which derive from a wrong interpretation of these particular glosses.

Examines the nature and function of the sacred tree in the pagan Irish religious system and its relation to the social roles of king an poet.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

1. OGaul. asia- ‘secale’: Lith. asỹ- ‘Schachtel-, Schafthalm’; 2. OGaul. nemnali- ‘célébrer’: RV. námna- ‘sich beugen/neigen’ [OIr. nemnall]; 3. OGaul. mapalia- ‘kindlich’: TochA. mkälto- ‘jung, klein’ [OIr. macc]; 4. OGaul. mas ‘gl. metallum’: TochA. msāṣ ‘imo : from beneath’; 5. OGaul. cunobarro- (PN.) ‘Tête-de-Chien’ : CLu. paraia- ‘hoch’ [OIr. barr]; 6. OGaul. marco- ‘horse’: TochA. markä- ‘move’ [OIr. marc]; 7. OGaul. slēbino- ‘montanus’: TochB. ṣale ‘mountain, hill’ [OIr. slíab]; 8. OGaul. cobro- ‘love, desire, greed’: TochB. kakāpo- ‘desire, crave, want’ [OIr. -chobur, (ad-)cobra, etc.]; 9. OGaul. mallo- ‘langsam, träge’: TochB. mālle ‘dull’ [OIr. mall]; 10. OGaul. bilio- ‘Baum’: TochB. pilta- ‘leaf, petal’ [OIr. bile].

Examines the nature and function of the sacred tree in the pagan Irish religious system and its relation to the social roles of king an poet.

Examines the nature and function of the sacred tree in the pagan Irish religious system and its relation to the social roles of king an poet.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

Suggests the phrase dá n-ó bill (in the glosses to Félire Óengusso 3 July and Sanas Cormaic Y §179) represents phonetic spelling for dá n-ó pill ‘two ears of a horse’, and was mistakenly associated with OIr. bill, bell by early Irish glossators.

Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.

Suggests the phrase dá n-ó bill (in the glosses to Félire Óengusso 3 July and Sanas Cormaic Y §179) represents phonetic spelling for dá n-ó pill ‘two ears of a horse’, and was mistakenly associated with OIr. bill, bell by early Irish glossators.

Argues that bimmi in Wb. 3^d27 is a further example of its paradigm, instead of editor’s future.

1. ainsiléad; 2. bindealán; 3. buimbéal; 4. bumbal, buimiléad; 5. fáiméad, páiméad; 6. fúinniméad, fúinniméadach; 7. líméar; 8. lindéar; 9. lipéad; 10. scipéad; 11. spiara; 12. spícéad; 13. straiféad; 14. stráisiún; 15. stroimpiléad; 16. strúiméad, stráiméad; 17. struipléad.

ad Tochmarc Emire p. 48, §64 (as ed. by A. van Hamel 1933 [Best² 1161]). Argues that the mention of an Ulbecán Saxae is a reference to the musical reputation of Wulfstan the Cantor (fl. 996).

1. ui : [uː]; 2. [au] : [ai]; 3. ainneart; 4. ceannard; 5. bínne, línne; cunnart.

Further on bibras / bíobhas, an ailment in horses, as based on Engl. vives; cf. B. Ó Cuív, in Celtica 17 (1985), p. 122.

vs. T. S. Ó Máille, in JCS 2 (1953), p. 141. Suggests a derivation from Engl. bent.

Discusses the following elements in Perth place names: beinn, bioran, caisteal, càrn, cnap, cnoc, cruach, dun, maol, meall, sgiath, sgorr, sìdhean, sliabh, sròn, stob, stuc, tom, tòrr.

1. beargún/beirgiún/biorgún; 2. béitín/béitíne; 3. meá/meadh/midh/meath; 4. infear; 5. stilliúr; 6. ainsiléad; 7. luaidhe; 8. spéir.

Pt. 1. Indo-Celtica: On two Indo-Celtic terms connected with water [2. Old Irish ber/bir ‘water, spring’ and Sanskrit bharúḥ m. ‘sea’].

Also comments on Ir. birrling.

George Henderson, The Norse influence on Celtic Scotland (1910), pp. 138-143: 1. bàta; 2. bìrlinn; 3. carbh; 4. càrbhair; 5. cnarra; 6. geòla; 7. sgoth.