Bibliography — Classification Index

Argues that the deictic particle *-i was transferred to the 3rd sg. and pl. deponent endings before the syllabification of the PIE syllabic resonants.

Argues that the nasals in three-consonant clusters or resulting from nasalization do not coalesce with a following b, d, g, and that the punctum delens is an orthographical device used regularly to denote these real clusters.

Concludes that there are no grounds for postulating a category of words with final short stressed vowel in Old Irish. 1. dí ‘from her’; 2. dé ‘from him, it’; 3. (cechtar) dé ‘each of the two’; 4. imallé ‘together’; 5. illé ‘hither’; 6. té ‘hot’; 7. só ‘this’; 8. sé ‘this’; 9. amné ‘thus’; 10. danó ‘then’.

Argues that the verbal noun and the prototonic forms of con-dieig are historically irregular; shown to be a post-syncope compound of unattested *de-saig with com, on which the normal syncope pattern was applied. Also on Middle Irish simplification of old compound verbs.

Discusses the behaviour of dysyllabic personal endings when a vowel in the immediately preceding second or fourth syllable has not been syncopated, and the ensuing analogical morphological patterns.

On the vocalism and etymology of the preverb *to/tu-.

Focuses on the historical phonology of Early Irish.

Rev. by
Paul Russell, in CMCS 35 (Summer, 1998), pp. 73-76.
María del Henar Velasco López, in Minerva: revista de filología clásica 11 (1997), pp. 185-189.