Studies five Latin lemmata that were glossed both in Old Irish and in Old Breton in the course of the manuscript tradition of the Institutiones: 1. OIr. bí gl. pix; 2. bélat gl. competum; 3. OIr. glés and marcír gl. striglis; 4. cucan(n) gl. penus, etc.; 5. torc allid gl. aper.
1. Relecture des gloses du ms. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 279 [§1-5. Adds additional Irish glosses from this MS, diguised in the text as Latin words (1. (s)nasaib; 2. séimed; 3-4. tan; 5. cís); §6-7. Explains two glosses as Hiberno-Latin: arege (cf. Hib.-Lat. arrea), trans caput (cf. OIr. tar cenn); §8. Argues Thes. ii 38 in dibbrit is an Old Breton gloss (leg. in diobrit) and not Irish]; 2. Notes sur les gloses au Liber ex lege Moysi dans le ms. Orléans 221 [§2. Traces de gloses irlandaises dans le LLM d’Orléans 221].
I. For ám mbai (MS án imbai; Ml. 29c15), read án am bai ‘their band which was’; II. On the 3. pl. acc. fou ‘with reference to them’ (lit. ‘under them’) in Ml. 42b7.
isgnáth tra inso dond óis glicc dolleicet forru indáil et fobenat iarum innadeud hórogaibther cíall forriuth s… combi remib rethith iarum. Translates as ‘It is, then, usual for clever competitors to allow the field to overtake them and as soon as they (the field) settle down to an easy pace make after them unawares (‘insidiously’) and are soon well ahead of them (as all approach the winning-post)'.
Lat. lodix glossed with Ir. sléic (means ‘pumice’, possibly related to slíachtaid ‘smoothes’), ruamnae (earlier form of rúamna ‘colouring matter, redish colour’), diol (‘fillet, diadem’): all exx. of ornamentum muliebre. Also suggests Ir. slíogadh ‘smoothing, polishing’ derives from ON slíkja ‘to smoothe’, although slíocadh forms may have been influenced by Engl. slick ‘to slick, polish, smooth’.
ad E. G. Quin, in Ériu 31 (1980), pp. 146-149 and L. Bieler and J. Carney, in Ériu 23 (1972), pp. 1-55. Suggests a revised translation: ‘It is usual, then, for clever competitors to allow the field to overtake them and when a tiring (or easy) pace is expected (by the field) they (the clever ones) make after them (go into the attack, Carney) and are soon well ahead of them’.
On the petrified survival of genitive case marking the direct object of a transitive verb: nadtairlaic don lit. ‘which has not yielded ground’ (Ml. 131b2).
I. On the regular phonetic development of the cluster ðg in the perfect form do-rubidc, do-robidc (< do-bidci; Ml. 40d9, Ml. 58c3), where rg might be expected in the unstressed position; II. On the interpretation of connuargab (Ml. 37b15) as a nasalising relative clause con n-uargab; III. for innatrachtadaib (Ml. 35b22), read innatrachtaib as in MS; IV. for dumchoscaibse, read du-m-inchoscaib-se (dat. pl. of inchosc ‘instruction’).
ad S. Kavanagh, in Celtica 12 (1977), p. 12. Retains S. Kavanagh’s reading but subjects it to a different analysis: reads dús inét imt(h)echt and translates ‘if perchance I may obtain a journey’.
Examines the conceptual range of grammatic and grammatach (attested in glosses on Augustine and in Auraicept na n-éces respectively) in the thinking of the medieval Irish learned classes, and connects their concept of grammatica to the terminology used in the Latin colophon in TBC–LL.
[1.] Ml. 49b7 (Refutes emendation of MS indoiss to indoíni (Thes. i, 151, n. e); proposes in[tóiss] doiss);
[2.] Ml. 49c13 (Refutes emendation of MS inmodi to innidmoidi (Thes. i, 152); proposes inmo[í]di.
Discusses glosses and commentaries on Psalm 79:13-14 with particular reference to Ml. 102a15, and points out the Psalm’s relevance to the argument favouring the priority of Vita I S. Brigitae over Vita II.
Suggests that the meaningless Lat. phrase tinancti sui found in this text may have originally been an Old Irish gloss tincisin that became corrupted and embedded in the body of the text.