Isaac (Graham Richard)

Suggests that OIr. aidem is cognate with W eddi.

Incl. discussion of univerbation, tmesis and the PC system of stops.

ad Cath Maige Tuired line 832 (as ed. by E. A. Gray 1982).

1. Ieuru.

Challenges the view that the voc. pl. ending -(i)u continues PIE nom. pl. * -ōs, and argues that although both nom. and acc. plural were replaced by the pronominal endings in Old Irish the acc. pl. took over from the voc. pl. to avoid confusion with the voc. sg.

On the terms rannaigecht ‘unitary-stanza-making’ and deibide ‘differentiated, disagreeing (form)', the latter representing a substantivised adjectival derivative from deibe ‘difference, variety, disagreement’ + adjectival de, vs. GOI §392, where it is suggested that deibide derives from de + bíthe ‘cut in two’.

Also on its connection to OIr. cob ‘victory’.

Rev. by
Proinsias Mac Cana, in ZCP 52 (2001), pp. 293-297.

vs. P. Schrijver’s affirmative sentence particle (*es < *et < *eti) theory, in Ériu 45 (1994), 151–189, and Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles (Maynooth 1997).

Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.

ad P. Schrijver’ derivation of OIr. -icc < PIE *(h₂)ēnḱ-, in Ériu 44 (1993), pp. 33-52 [4. OIr. -icc ‘comes, reaches’].

Supports F. Kortlandt’s rule of pretonic shortening in Celtic (outlined in Slavic accentuation (1974), pp. 76-82) with a new example: OIr. sith- (W hyd).

vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].

An evaluation of P. Ó Coisdealbha, The syntax of the sentence in Old Irish (Tübingen, 1998). Especially with regard to his treatment of Bergin’s law and the tmesis construction.

Criticism of the model of development of the Celtic languages set out in Barry Cunliffe’s Facing the ocean (Oxford 2001) and Donald Ringe et al. in TPS 100 (2002), pp. 59-129.

§6. Some observations on loans into Old Irish [Pátraic, Cothraige].

Argues, through comparison of OIr. catait, cartait with W cathet, that the original form of the borrowed Pictish word was *kazdet-.

Paper read to the 13th ICCS, Bonn 2007.

Refines K. McCone’s theory of the origin of the Old Irish disctinction between absolute and conjunt flexion (as expounded in The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex, 2006) by substituting McCone’s early apocope of -i for an apocope that only affected clitic (i.e. non-initial) verbal forms thus obviating the necessity for a homogeneization of initial forms.

Rev. by
Britta Irslinger, in Kratylos 55 (2010), pp. 98-104.
Pierre-Yves Lambert, in ÉtC 38 (2012), pp. 319-320.
David Stifter, in JCeltL 14 (2012), pp. 111-130.

OIr. Ériu.