Schrijver (Peter)

Schrijver (Peter): The development of Primitive Irish *aN before voiced stop.
In Ériu 42 (1991), pp. 13–25.
Explains the distribution of aN and iN before voiced stops in Irish.
Schrijver (Peter): The chronology of the loss of post-tonic vowels between identical consonants and the origin of the Celtic first person singular imperfect.
In MSS 53 (1992), pp. 179–196.
Schrijver (Peter): On the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irish.
In Ériu 44 (1993), pp. 33–52.
1. Introduction; 2. Rise of nasalized allophones of short vowels; 3. The development of *nt, *nk into PrimIr. unlenited *d, *g; 4. OIr. -icc ‘comes, reaches’; 5. Loss of a nasal before a voicless fricative; 6. OIr. téit, -tét; 7. The relation of *nt, *nk > *d, *g to the rounding of vowels by a preceding labiovelar; 8. Summary; App.: The development of PrimIr. *and, *amb, *ang.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: IV. OIr. dëec, dëac.
In Ériu 44 (1993), pp. 181–184.
ad R. Hertz, in Lexis 4 (1955) 66-69. Derives dëec from *dechǣg (< PC *dekank < *deḱm-kwe ‘and ten’) with dissimilatory loss of *-ch- (or *-k-) before *-g-.
Schrijver (Peter): The Celtic adverbs for ‘against’ and ‘with’ and the early apocope of *-i.
In Ériu 45 (1994), pp. 151–189.
1. The origins of OIr. fri ‘against’, la ‘with’; 2. The early apocope of *-i; 3. The fate of ‘new’ word-final *-t; 4. Examples of *-t(i) > -s in Old Irish; 7. The origin of the Primitive Irish main clause verbal particle *es; 8. The present conjunct forms of the Old Irish copula after *ne ‘not’; 9. Summary.
Schrijver (Peter): Welsh heledd, hêl, Cornish *heyl, 'Latin’ helinium, Dutch hel-, zeelt.
In NOWELE 26 (1995), pp. 31–42.
Schrijver (Peter): Studies in British Celtic historical phonology.
LSIE, 5. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995. 556 pp. (Leiden studies in Indo-European, 5).
Rev. by
Joseph F. Eska, in Diachronica 14/2 (1997), pp. 379-382.
Edmund Gussmann, in Lingua 105/3-4 (1998), p. 247.
Art J. Hughes, in SAM 17/2 (1998), p. 225.
François Kerlouégan, in BSLP 92/2 (1997), pp. 288-289.
Paul Russell, in JCeltL 6 (1997), pp. 146-154.
Karl Horst Schmidt, in IF 106 (2001), pp. 315-325.
Stefan Zimmer, in Kratylos 43 (1998), pp. 204-206.
Schrijver (Peter): OIr. gor ‘pious, dutiful’: meaning and etymology.
In Ériu 47 (1996), pp. 193–204.
1. OIr. macc gor, macc ingor; 2. Etymology.
Schrijver (Peter): On the nature and origin of word-initial h- in the Würzburg glosses.
In Ériu 48 (1997), pp. 205–227.
1. Introduction; 2. The Würzburg Glosses: material; 3.Evaluation: The status of h-; 4. The origins of h-; 5. The Ogam letter húath; 6. Counter-evidence: athir; 7. Conclusions. Concludes that OIr. h- of composite origin is phonemic rather than orthographic in many instances.
Schrijver (Peter): Animal, vegetable and mineral: some Western European substratum words.
In Sound law and analogy [Fs. Beekes] (1997), pp. 293–316.
Schrijver (Peter): Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles.
MSCL, 2. Maynooth: Department of Old Irish, Saint Patrick’s College, 1997. 199 pp.
Chapters 4-6 focus on Old Irish relative marking, infix pronouns and the particle theory.

Rev. by
Joshua T. Katz, in Kratylos 46 (2001), pp. 1-23.
Schrijver (Peter): On henbane and early European narcotics.
In ZCP 51 (1999), pp. 17–45.
Discusses the etymology of OIr. Beltaine, bill, bille etc. and belletus.
Schrijver (Peter): Vowel rounding by primitive Irish labiovelars.
In Ériu 50 (1999), pp. 133–137.
Conditions under which PrimIr. *i and *a are rounded by a preceding labiovelar; non-rounding of *e in similar phonetic context.
Isaac (G. R.): The most recent model of the development of absolute and conjunct flexion.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 63–68.
vs. P. Schrijver's affirmative sentence particle (*es < *et < *eti) theory, in Ériu 45 (1994), 151–189, and Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles (Maynooth 1997).
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: V. Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD.
In Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195–199.
Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-155.
Isaac (G. R.) (ref.)
Schrijver (Peter): Irish ainder, Welsh anner, Breton annoar, Basque andere.
In Fs. Vennemann (2002), pp. 205–219.
Schrijver (Peter): The etymology of Welsh chwith and the semantics and morphology of PIE *k(w)sweibh-.
In Yr hen iaith (2003), pp. 1–23.
Dissociates Ir. citt- (EModIr. cittach) from W chwith and establishes that MIr. scibid is the genuine cognate.
Schrijver (Peter): Athematic i-presents: the Italic and Celtic evidence.
In IncLing 26 (2003), pp. 59–86.
Isaac (G. R.): Varia: I. Some Old Irish etymologies, and some conclusions drawn from them.
In Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151–155.
vs. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
Schrijver (Peter): De etymologie van Iers mart.
In Arthur, Brigit, Conn, Deirdre [Fs. Strien-Gerritsen] (2003), pp. 166–170.
[(In Dutch:) Etymology of Irish mart.]
McCone (Kim): Old Irish na nní: a case of quid pro quo?
In Celtica 24 (2003), pp. 168–181.
vs. P. Schrijver's view (in Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles, Maynooth 1997) of the alleged neuter i-stem forms (PC *sim > InsC *sin) of the demonstrative *so(-). Also discusses the relevance of the paradigm and derivation of ‘anything, something’ and na ‘any’.
Schrijver (P.) (ref.)
Schrijver (Peter): Indo-European *(s)mer- in Greek and Celtic.
In Indo-European perspectives [Morpurgo Davis studies] (2004), pp. 292–299.
§2 Irish ma(i)rt.
Schrijver (Peter): The etymology of English weapon, German Waffe, and the Indo-European root *Hwep-.
In Fs. Koivulehto (2004), pp. 355–366.
§7. Irish femen and related forms.
Schrijver (Peter): Apes, dwarfs, rivers and Indo-European derivation.
In Per aspera ad asteriscos [Fs. Rasmussen] (2004), pp. 507–511.
Discusses the etym. of OIr. abacc and its relationship to aub.
Schrijver (Peter): The roscada of Táin bó Cúailnge Recension I, 2428-2454.
In A companion in linguistics [Fs. Ahlqvist] (2005), pp. 92–116.
Schrijver (Peter): Varia: I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium ad.
In Ériu 55 (2005), pp. 137–144.
partán, Partraige; ad G. Isaac, in Ériu 53 (2003), pp. 151-153; cf. P. Schrijver, in Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-199.

Further non-Indo-European etyma discussed include: pell/fell, petta, pít/fít, pluc/prapp, patu/pata, scatán, ciotóg.
Schrijver (Peter): Early Irish Ailenn: an etymology.
In Emania 20 (2006), pp. 60–61.
Schrijver (Peter): Notes on British Celtic comparatives and their syntax.
In Verba docenti [Fs. Jasanoff] (2007), pp. 307–319.
Schrijver (Peter): The meaning of Celtic *eburos.
In Mélanges Lambert (2015), pp. 65–76.
Etym. of OIr. ibar.
Schrijver (Peter): Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: the rise and development of Celtic in the light of language contact.
In 14th ICCS, Maynooth 2011 (2015), pp. 191–219.