Isaac (Graham Richard)

Suggests that OIr. aidem is cognate with W eddi.

Incl. discussion of univerbation, tmesis and the PC system of stops.

ad Cath Maige Tuired line 832 (as ed. by E. A. Gray 1982).

Challenges the view that the voc. pl. ending -(i)u continues PIE nom. pl. * -ōs, and argues that although both nom. and acc. plural were replaced by the pronominal endings in Old Irish the acc. pl. took over from the voc. pl. to avoid confusion with the voc. sg.

On the terms rannaigecht ‘unitary-stanza-making’ and deibide ‘differentiated, disagreeing (form)', the latter representing a substantivised adjectival derivative from deibe ‘difference, variety, disagreement’ + adjectival de, vs. GOI §392, where it is suggested that deibide derives from de + bíthe ‘cut in two’.

vs. P. Schrijver's affirmative sentence particle (*es < *et < *eti) theory in Ériu 45 (1994), 151–89 and id. Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles (Maynooth 1997).

Incl. discussion of partán ‘crab’, Partraige (ethnonym), (partaing > Lat. parthicus), pattu ‘hare’, petta ‘hare’, pell ‘horse’, pít ‘portion of food’, pluc `(round) mass’, prapp ‘rapid’, gliomach ‘lobster’, faochán ‘periwinkle’, ciotóg ‘left hand’, bradán ‘salmon’, scadán ‘herring’. Cf. G. R. Isaac, Ériu 53 (2003) 151-55.

vs. P. Schrijver, Ériu 51 (2000), pp. 195-196; especially on the evidence for speakers of a non-Indo-European language in 6th c. Ireland. 1. pell ‘horse’ [pell < L pellis ‘hide, skin’; meaning of ‘horse’ may represent an instance of pars pro toto]; 2. petta ‘pet’ [a loan from Brit. *petti-]; 3. pít ‘ration of food’ [< fít ‘ration, allowance of food’ < L uita ‘life’, perhaps influenced by L pitantia ‘ration, allowance of food’]; 4. pluc ‘large, round mass’ [pluc 'distended cheek’ > ‘large round mass’ (vs. DIL P-192.1) is onomatopoeic in origin]; 5. Further discussion and some conclusions; also discusses prapp ‘quick, rapid, sudden’ [onomatopoeic], pattu ‘hare’ [cognate with W pathew ‘dormouse’], scatán [related to Germanic words], ciotóg [OIr. *ciutt related to W chwith ‘left’, chwithig ‘awkward’], partán [defends connection with partaing ‘crimson (Parthian) red’; was not borrowed from Partraige ‘Crab People’; suggests a derivation involving part- ‘side’, with original meaning of ‘sideling’ in reference to the crab’s practice of walking sideways].

An evaluation of P. Ó Coisdealbha, The syntax of the sentence in Old Irish (Tübingen 1998). Especially with regard to his treatment of Bergin’s law and the tmesis construction.

Argues, through comparison of OIr. catait, cartait with W cathet (hapax legomenon), that the original form of the borrowed Pictish word was *kazdet-.

Refines K. McCone's theory of the origin of the Old Irish disctinction between absolute and conjunt flexion (as expounded in The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex, 2006) by substituting McCone’s early apocope of -i for an apocope that only affected clitic (i.e. non-initial) verbal forms thus obviating the necessity for a homogeneization of initial forms.

OIr. Ériu.